For Tutsis of Eastern Congo, Protector, Exploiter or Both?
By Stephanie McCrummen
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, August 6, 2007; A01
KICHANGA, Congo -- On the way to the mountain headquarters of renegade
Congolese Gen. Laurent Nkunda, there are villages patrolled by Laurent
Nkunda's police and checkpoints where Nkunda's soldiers demand that truck
drivers pay a tax to support their leader's cause.
Local residents can settle disputes these days in Nkunda's courts or attend
church with a priest appointed by Nkunda, who is wanted on war crimes
charges but lately has been wearing a button that reads "Rebels for Christ."
What amounts to Radio Free Nkunda broadcasts from a mountaintop around here.
And though the general denies it, villagers said that earlier this year
Nkunda hoisted a flag and declared his mountain fiefdom a new country: Land
of the Volcanoes.
"Is it really Nkunda who is the problem?" asked Nkunda, who carries a
gold-tipped baton and often refers to himself in the third person. "They
want to keep me as the problem so that they can explain all the problems in
Congo through Nkunda. . . . But I will protect myself, and I will protect
these small number of Tutsis who are here."
Congo is a vast country with a history of vast personalities. Mobutu Sese
Seko, who renamed the nation Zaire and ruled for almost four decades,
ordered news broadcasts to open with an image of him descending godlike from
the clouds, and some here consider Laurent Nkunda the country's latest
well-armed megalomaniac.
U.N. officials blame the general for forcing an estimated 230,000 people
from their homes since January and creating the worst humanitarian disaster
Congo has experienced since the peak of its decade of civil war.
Displacement camps filled with sick, hungry and injured people are scattered
across the east once again, and U.N. officials warn that Congo is on the
brink of another all-out conflict.
But Nkunda, an admirer of such diverse leaders as Gandhi and President Bush,
says he is fighting for a cause greater than himself: protecting Congolese
Tutsis, whose story is wrapped up in the aftermath of the 1994 Rwandan
genocide, evidence of which still litters the rolling, green forests here.
"The government can get rid of Nkunda," said Joseph Sebagisha, a leader in
the Tutsi community, which backs Nkunda heavily and includes some of the
region's wealthiest businessmen. "But the reasons why he is doing what he is
doing will continue to exist."
Though it is difficult to speak of a minority in a country with more than
400 different tribes, the Tutsis have for decades considered themselves a
vulnerable group.
As is common across Africa, the ethnic group was divided by arbitrary
colonial borders, with most of its members living in what became Rwanda and
others in eastern Congo. During Rwanda's independence struggle, many wealthy
Rwandan Tutsis fled into eastern Congo, and over the years, politicians here
have frequently cast Tutsis as outsiders.
Ethnic clashes targeting the Tutsis broke out in eastern Congo in 1993. A
year later, following the Rwandan genocide in which 800,000 Tutsis and
moderate Hutus were killed, more than a million Hutu refugees and genocidal
Hutu militiamen poured across the border and continued to massacre Congolese
Tutsis.
The Rwandan army, allied with the Tutsi-dominated rebel forces of Congo's
future president, Laurent Kabila, soon followed, carrying out massacres in
Hutu refugee camps and villages.
Among Kabila's anti-Mobutu forces at the time was a young, Rwandan-trained
intelligence officer named Laurent Nkunda, a Tutsi who had lost members of
his family in ethnic clashes.
After the Rwandan invasion, anti-Tutsi sentiment ran high. One politician
gave a speech urging Congolese people to "exterminate the vermin," referring
to Tutsis. And Kabila, after overthrowing Mobutu, turned on his Rwandan
backers, arming the genocidal Hutu militiamen to fight them.
One of the century's bloodiest wars followed, with nine African nations
eventually engaged in a mad scramble for eastern Congo's abundant mineral
riches. Some researchers have estimated that at least 4 million people died
during the war years, mostly from disease, hunger and the collapse of human
services associated with the fighting.
Although a peace agreement was signed in 2004, militia groups have continued
to plague eastern Congo, including at least 6,000 Rwandan Hutu militiamen
who were never disarmed.
By now, some of them have blended into village life, starting farms and
marrying Congolese women. Others, however, have remained organized under
genocidal leaders in the thick eastern forests, living off whatever they can
pillage from the local residents they routinely terrorize.
"The root causes of the wars in eastern Congo have never been solved," said
Jason Stearns, an analyst with the Brussels-based International Crisis
Group. "The problem of the Tutsis and of the Rwandan Hutus has not been
addressed."
The continued presence of the Hutu militias provided Nkunda with a cause.
In 2005, the general refused an order by the Congolese army to deploy to
another area of the country and officially became a renegade.
His argument: The Tutsis of eastern Congo needed his protection.
For a while, Nkunda had the support of Rwanda, which considered his forces a
necessary bulwark against Hutu militiamen. Though Rwanda says it no longer
supports him, its sympathy for Nkunda's activities borders on justification.
"Rwanda cannot establish a relationship with such a person, but we can
understand why Nkunda is Nkunda," Rwandan Foreign Minister Charles Murigande
said in an interview. "We can understand his argument."
Armed with a sense of righteousness fortified by visiting American
evangelical Christian groups, Nkunda has in recent months been carrying out
attacks against village after village.
Eastern Congo is a sordid tangle of violence, but even within that context,
villagers say, Nkunda's men have distinguished themselves.
In one forsaken camp of banana-leaf huts sprawled across volcanic rocks near
the provincial capital of Goma, people who had run for their lives told
different versions of the same story: that before attacking with machetes
and guns, Nkunda's soldiers had accused them of harboring Hutu militiamen.
"They consider us like the Interahamwe," said Nayino Faraziya, 70, referring
to the Hutu militia that she said had taken up residence around her village,
Bufamando.
Faraziya said Nkunda's soldiers burned down houses and called about two
dozen people, including her, to a "meeting" at the local Catholic church.
Then, she said, they set the building on fire.
"People were crying and screaming," said Faraziya, who escaped through a
window and has fresh burns across her back, neck and arms.
More than 2,000 people have arrived at the camp since January, said the
camp's chief, Mahoro Faustin, and more are arriving daily, some missing legs
and arms and most with little more than the torn clothes on their backs.
The notion that Nkunda is offering people some kind of protection from Hutu
militias, he said, is "a masquerade."
"He wants everyone to join him against the government," said Faustin. "His
people were preaching that we need to liberate ourselves and make our own
country. He even put his flag in our village."
In recent months, Nkunda has forcefully recruited soldiers, including
children, inside Rwanda, according to U.N. officials who repatriated at
least 500 of them.
The general has also boosted his military position since the Congolese army
agreed in January to mix several of its brigades with his. The deal was
intended by the national government to diminish Nkunda's power but instead
has increased it: The soldiers are now deployed across a wider area while
remaining loyal to him.
At the same time, Nkunda's movement appears to be taking on an almost
cultlike character.
In his territory -- a wide swath of lush, black-soil mountains including
farms owned by wealthy Tutsi businessmen -- villagers report having to
submit to ideological training in which they profess loyalty to the
movement, which now has a political party, a Web site, flags, songs and the
radio station that broadcasts messages about "tribal unity."
Nkunda has usurped local government authority, establishing police and
courts, paying some villagers' school fees and even purchasing generators
for local hospitals. There is a video in circulation that shows Nkunda's men
-- some of whom belong to an elite group called Che, for the Argentine
revolutionary Ernesto "Che" Guevara -- goose-stepping and saluting their
leader, who waves and smiles back.
"I'm sensitizing others to protect the minority," Nkunda said in a recent
interview. "I want to be one of the great hearts in Congo."
He was relaxing in a Nike tracksuit at a farmhouse high on a hill, his
soldiers standing guard outside. His current reading was a French book
titled "The Paradox of Strategy." He talked at length about Congo's
potential greatness, Christian leadership, Bush, military strategy and an
idea he has of importing 100,000 macadamia nut trees to help develop his
area. He spoke of biofuels.
Yet Nkunda insisted that his goals are limited: He wants the Congolese
government to disarm the Hutu militias and to allow thousands of Congolese
Tutsi refugees who fled into Rwanda during Congo's war to return home.
Instead of addressing those issues, he said, the Congolese government is
"turning Nkunda into the problem," and planning to attack him.
At the moment, there are signs that the Congolese army could be preparing
for such an offensive, which U.N. officials have warned could trigger a
wider regional conflict.
Analysts fear that as his father did, Congo's President Joseph Kabila could
decide to use the Hutu militias because the Congolese army is weak and
because the Hutu commanders would like nothing more than to occupy Nkunda's
position along the Rwandan border.
Murigande, the Rwandan foreign minister, said that such a move would "start
worrying us seriously."
"That might be a disaster," he said. "Because we are also able to fight."
The Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"
Groupe de communication Mulindwas
"avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
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