Privatizing the War on Terror: America’s Military Contractors

Monday, January 16, 2012

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Rev. John Whitehead

by John W. Whitehead

“Of all the enemies to public liberty war is, perhaps, the most to be
dreaded because it comprises and develops the germ of every other. War is
the parent of armies; from these proceed debts and taxes… known instruments
for bringing the many under the domination of the few.… No nation could
preserve its freedom in the midst of continual warfare.”—James Madison

America’s troops may be returning home from Iraq, but contrary to President
Obama’s assertion that “the tide of war is receding,” we’re far from done
paying the costs of war. In fact, at the same time that Obama is reducing
the number of troops in Iraq, he’s replacing them with military contractors
at far greater expense to the taxpayer and redeploying American troops to
other parts of the globe, including Africa, Australia and Israel. In this
way, the war on terror is privatized, the American economy is bled dry, and
the military-security industrial complex makes a killing—literally and
figuratively speaking.

The war effort in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan has already cost taxpayers
more than $2 trillion and could go as high as $4.4 trillion before it’s all
over. At least $31 billion (and as much as $60 billion or more) of that $2
trillion was lost to waste and fraud by military contractors, who do
everything from janitorial and food service work to construction, security
and intelligence—jobs that used to be handled by the military. That
translates to a loss of $12 million a day since the U.S. first invaded
Afghanistan. To put it another way, the government is spending more on war
than all 50 states combined spend on health, education, welfare, and safety.

Over the past two decades, America has become increasingly dependent on
military contractors in order to carry out military operations abroad (in
fact, the government’s extensive use of private security contractors has
surged under Obama). According to the Commission on Wartime Contracting in
Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States can no longer conduct large or
sustained military operations or respond to major disasters without heavy
support from contractors. As a result, the U.S. employs at a minimum one
contractor to support every soldier deployed to Afghanistan and Iraq (that
number increases dramatically when U.S. troop numbers decrease). For those
signing on for contractor work, many of whom are hired by private
contracting firms after serving stints in the military, it is a lucrative,
albeit dangerous, career path (private contractors are 2.75 times more
likely to die than troops). Incredibly, while base pay for an American
soldier hovers somewhere around $19,000 per year, contractors are reportedly
pulling in between $150,000 – $250,000 per year.

The exact number of military contractors on the U.S. payroll is hard to pin
down, thanks to sleight-of-hand accounting by the Department of Defense and
its contractors. However, according to a Wartime Contracting Commission
report released in August 2011, there are more than 260,000 private
contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan, more than the number of ground troops
in both countries. As noted, that number increases dramatically when troops
are withdrawn from an area, as we currently see happening in Iraq. Pratap
Chatterjee of the Center for American Progress estimates that “if the Obama
administration draws down to 68,000 troops in Afghanistan by September 2012,
they will need 88,400 contractors at the very least, but potentially as many
as 95,880.”

With paid contractors often outnumbering enlisted combat troops, the
American war effort dubbed by George W. Bush as the “coalition of the
willing” has since evolved into the “coalition of the billing.” The
Pentagon’s Central Command counts 225,000 contractors working in Iraq,
Afghanistan, and elsewhere. Between December 2008 and December 2010, the
total number of private security contractors in Afghanistan increased by
413% while troop levels increased 200%. Private contractors provide a number
of services, including transport, construction, drone operation, and
security. One military contractor, Blackbird, is composed of former CIA
operatives who go on secret missions to recover missing and captured US
soldiers. Then there is the Lincoln Group which became famous for engaging
in covert psychological operations by planting stories in the Iraqi press
that glorified the U.S. mission. Global Strategies Group guards the
consulate in Basra for $401 million. SOC Inc. protects the US embassy for
$974 million.

Unfortunately, fraud, mismanagement and corruption have become synonymous
with the U.S. government’s use of military contractors. McClatchy News
“found that U.S. government funding for at least 15 large-scale programs and
projects [in Afghanistan] grew from just over $1 billion to nearly $3
billion despite the government’s questions about their effectiveness or
cost.” One program started off as a modest wheat program and “ballooned into
one of America’s biggest counterinsurgency projects in southern Afghanistan
despite misgivings about its impact.” Another multi-billion-dollar program
resulted in the construction of schools, clinics and other public buildings
that were so poorly built that they might not withstand a serious earthquake
and will have to be rebuilt. Then there was the $300 million diesel power
plant that was built despite the fact that it wouldn’t be used regularly
“because its fuel cost more than the Afghan government could afford to run
it regularly.” RWA, a group of three Afghan contractors, was selected to
build a 17.5 mile paved road in Ghazni province. They were paid $4 million
between 2008 and 2010 before the contract was terminated with only 2/3 of a
mile of road paved.

Mind you, with the U.S. spending more than $2 billion a week in Afghanistan,
these examples of ineptitude and waste represent only a fraction of what is
being funded by American taxpayer dollars. (Investigative reports reveal
that large amounts of cash derived from U.S. aid and logistics spending are
being flown out of the country on a regular basis by Afghan officials,
including $52 million by the Afghan vice president, who was allowed to keep
the money.) Yet what most Americans fail to realize is that we’re funding
the very individuals we claim to be fighting. The war effort has become so
corrupt that U.S. taxpayers are not only being bilked by military
contractors but are also being forced to indirectly fund insurgents and
warlords in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as the Taliban, which receives
money from military contractors in exchange for protection. This is
rationalized away as a “cost of doing business” in those countries. As the
Financial Times reports, the Commission on Wartime Contracting in Iraq and
Afghanistan “found that extortion of funds from US construction and
transportation projects was the second-biggest funding source for insurgent
groups.”

Despite what one might think, the boom in contracting work in the war zones
isn’t necessarily aiding U.S. employment, given that large numbers of
contractors are actually foreign nationals. For example, over 90% of the
private security contractors in Afghanistan are Afghans. One contractor,
Triple Canopy, most of whose guards are from Uganda and Peru, has a $1.53
billion contract with the State Department to protect its employees.
ArmorGroup North America (AGNA), which is contracted to secure the US
embassy in Kabul, hires many Nepalese (known as Gurkhas) whose English is
not proficient. “One guard described the situation as so dire that if he
were to say to many of the Gurkhas, ‘There is a terrorist standing behind
you,’ those Gurkhas would answer ‘Thank you sir, and good morning.’”

The practices employed by the military contractors also reflect poorly on
America’s commitment to human rights—both in the way that they treat their
employees and in their employees’ behavior. For example, Triple Canopy
houses its employees in overcrowded shipping containers. In addition to
soliciting underage Chinese prostitutes, AGNA contractors have also been
described as “peeing on people, eating potato chips out of [buttock] cracks,
vodka shots out of [buttock] cracks (there is video of that one), broken
doors after drnken [sic] brawls, threats and intimidation from those leaders
participating in this activity…” This behavior is not reserved to lower
level employees, and has been observed and even encouraged by upper level
management. Blackwater employees have also been accused of weapons smuggling
as well as cocaine and steroid use. Despite all this, Blackwater—which, as
the New York Times has reported, “created a web of more than 30 shell
companies or subsidiaries in part to obtain millions of dollars in American
government contracts after the security company came under intense criticism
for reckless conduct in Iraq”—still won a cut of a $10 billion contract
given out by the State Department in 2010.

Despite the high levels of corruption, waste, mismanagement and fraud by
military contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. government continues
to shield them, resisting any attempts at greater oversight or
accountability. War, after all, has become a huge money-making venture, and
America, with its vast military empire, is one of its best customers.
Indeed, the American military-industrial complex has erected an empire
unsurpassed in history in its breadth and scope and dedicated to conducting
perpetual warfare throughout the earth.

What most Americans fail to recognize is that these ongoing wars have little
to do with keeping the country safe and everything to do with enriching the
military industrial complex at taxpayer expense. It’s the military
industrial complex (the illicit merger of the armaments industry and the
government) that President Dwight D. Eisenhower warned us against more than
50 years ago and which has come to represent perhaps the greatest threat to
the nation’s fragile infrastructure today.

Unfortunately, Americans have been inculcated with a false, misplaced sense
of patriotism about the military that equates devotion to one’s country with
supporting the war machine so that any mention of cutting back on the
massive defense budget is immediately met with outrage. Yet the
military-industrial complex is engaged in a deadly game, one that all
presidents, including Obama, foster. And the consequences, as Eisenhower
recognized, are grave:

“Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired
signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not
fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not
spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius
of its scientists, the hopes of its children…This is not a way of life at
all, in any true sense. Under the cloud of threatening war, it is humanity
hanging from a cross of iron.”

Constitutional attorney and author John W. Whitehead is founder and
president of The Rutherford Institute and editor of GadflyOnline.com. His
new book The Freedom Wars (TRI Press) is available online at www.amazon.com.
He can be contacted at [email protected]. Information about The
Rutherford Institute is available at www.rutherford.org

 

           Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni and Dr. Kizza Besigye Uganda is in anarchy"
            Groupe de communication Mulindwas
"avec Yoweri Museveni et Docteur Kiiza Besigye, l'Ouganda est dans
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