Matek
I read this piece and thank you for posting it. Yes we need Museveni to leave
office, but at what point does Dr Kiiza Besigye leave office? Dictatorship is
not only limited into State House it sits as well in opposition. This is a man
that lead the opposition party through several elections and in all of them
Ugandans rejected him. The party has a new leadership, did he fail to sail to
State House through election so that he manages to organize the opposition
after he lost power in FDC? At what point do we start to hear from Muntonyera?
Do me a favor kindly start by negotiating a peaceful exit of Dr Kiiza Besigye
out of Uganda politics I will help you about the negotiation of peaceful exit
of Museveni.
EM
On the 49th Parallel
Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika
machafuko"
From: uganda...@yahoogroups.com [mailto:uganda...@yahoogroups.com]
Sent: Thursday, December 04, 2014 11:48 PM
To: ugandacom; voice-of-uganda
Subject: [UGANDACOM] We can negotiate Museveni’s peaceful exit, says Besigye
We can negotiate Museveni’s peaceful exit, says Besigye
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PRINTRATING
By Richard Wanambwa
Posted Friday, December 5 2014 at 02:00
IN SUMMARY
As Forum for Democratic Change Party convenes today for their national
delegates conference, founding father and former party president, Dr Kizza
Besigye, spoke to Daily Monitor’s Richard Wanambwa about the party’s vision for
Uganda, what is to be done with President Museveni and a wide range of other
issues, observing in places, that any government that replaces the ruling
National Resistance Movement should be transitional. Here are is an excerpt of
the interview:
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Leading political activist, Dr Kizza Besigye, this week said the Opposition
would be open to the idea of a negotiated transition if President Museveni
seeks amnesty from the possibility of being prosecuted as a pre-condition for
leaving power.
The former FDC president told Daily Monitor in an exclusive interview that for
the sake of peace and development, the Opposition and other democratic forces
will be willing to talk about such matters.
“In principle, there is nothing wrong with our country granting amnesty of any
kind if it will help engender peace and stability. If Mr Museveni and his
colleagues choose to have a negotiated transition, such matters can be
discussed,” he said on Wednesday.
“Where no negotiated transition takes place and the NRM regime falls (as it
will), then most likely, the law would take its natural course regarding any
suspected offenders within the fallen regime.”
To-date, no evidence of the President’s suspected crimes has been presented in
any court although sections of the Opposition and the Diaspora have, on
occasion, spoken about alleged war crimes and unspecified economic crimes,
including alleged corruption. Under Uganda’s law, a president enjoys certain
levels of immunity from legal process while still in office.
Asked whether former PM Amama Mbabazi can be compared to former Kenyan
president Mwai Kibaki, who at the time when President Moi was talked into
leaving power became a compromise candidate, Dr Besigye said the two aren’t
comparable. .
“You seek to compare unlike situations. H.E. Mwai Kibaki was leading an
opposition party in 2002 when he became a ‘compromise’ candidate. He had
contested against president Arap Moi twice -- 1992 and 1997. Mr Mbabazi is
still the Secretary General of the ruling NRM and has not indicated that he
intends to change that,” Dr Besigye said.
Below is the full interview
Do you consider this FDC Delegates’ Conference to be a defining moment for the
party?
I understand the conference is supposed to consider some constitutional
amendments ahead of fresh grassroot elections of the party. I am not aware of
any controversial matters that are supposed to be dealt with at the conference.
Looking back at the vision of FDC at its formation and the current FDC, what do
you feel?
FDC was formed with a vision of realising a democratic, peaceful, prosperous
and unified Uganda adhering to principles of equity, freedom, social justice
and reconciliation. FDC, actually, emerged out of an intense struggle for
democratic governance. While that struggle remains ongoing and critical, the
party has also espoused clear policies that would transform the country in all
spheres. My sense is that the greatest majority of FDC members and leaders
maintain focus on the founding vision.
Do you consider your retirement as FDC party president to have, in any way,
been the cause of the bickering in the party? The party seems to have lost its
way during transition…
There are as many differing political views and opinions in a political party
as there are members! A political party only helps to aggregate these opinions
into a coherent general trend. The process of aggregation involves debate,
critiquing, and disagreement. This normal and healthy process is what some, in
the public and sections of the media, characterise as bickering. The test for
any party leadership is to ensure that the processes in the party are above
board, all-inclusive and democratically mediated. This is what my successor
needs to keep an eye on.
Change of leadership in our party is one of the flagship principles and
virtues. It ensures predictability of change and hence preparation for such a
change. Being rather novel, some hiccups would be expected, but to suggest that
the party has lost its way would be unjustified. I think that severe criticism
will help the party to continue checking itself so that the wrong path is
avoided.
What do you think the party should do at Namboole to repair the image caused by
internal [contradictions] and the high rate of haemorrhage of its senior
members?
A national delegates’ conference is not the forum for resolving any conflicts
that may exist. On the contrary, it can exacerbate them! If any contradictions
can’t be resolved using smaller party organs, the party needs to create a
separate space for dialogue among feuding sections. “Elders” of the party such
as FDC Envoys could play a useful role is such conflict resolution processes.
I also think that FDC should improve its public relations management. I
consider that a lot of what you call a “damaged image” is a result of media
spin, misinformation and misrepresentations.
The term of office of all leaders (other than party president) expired in 2013.
Some leaders have been concerned that it has taken a very long time to rectify
that and that’s why some opted to step down from their duties. This cannot be
presented as a “high rate of haemorrhage of senior members”!
Given the view of one faction in FDC that the party has lost direction, how can
this be remedied?
As I pointed out earlier, I don’t subscribe to the view that FDC has lost
direction. Some members are expressing strong concerns. I think that such
concerns should be dealt with urgently, exhaustively and in an inclusive manner.
Is FDC ready to form the next government and if so, why?
NRM had far less managerial competencies in 1986 than what FDC has. FDC has the
competencies to takeover and govern effectively. However, I am of the strong
view that any government that succeeds the NRM regime should be a “transitional
government” that takes on the critical role of building the foundations of a
stable democratic society.
Such foundations include reviewing the Constitution and laws to make them just,
resolve outstanding controversies and bring them in conformity with a free and
democratic society, establish independent, competent and efficient state
institutions that will promote and ensure democratic governance and
accountability and to organising free and fair elections.
This is what was supposed to be done during the 4- (later on 10- ) year NRM
transitional period. Such a transition should involve all the major political
stakeholders in a government of national unity.
Assuming that FDC took over power, what are the first three things you think
FDC should do?
Implementing the transitional imperatives outlined earlier and, investing in
agriculture, social services and infrastructure.
Would you consider granting total amnesty to President Museveni for all crimes
he’s alleged to have committed in order for him to give way for another leader?
In principle, there is nothing wrong with our country granting amnesty of any
kind if it’ll help engender peace and stability. If Mr Museveni and his
colleagues choose to have a negotiated transition, such matters can be
discussed.
What would be the alternative to such an amnesty for Mr Museveni?
Where no negotiated transition takes place and the NRM regime falls (as it
will), then, most likely, the law would take its natural course regarding any
suspected offenders within the fallen regime.
There is quiet talk about elements of the opposition and NRM joining hands to
form a transitional government, in the interest of peace and development. What
do you say about this?
I am not aware of any such initiative yet, but it would be a welcome one.
Can Mr Amama Mbabazi be compared to former Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki at the
time when president Moi was leaving power? Can he be a compromise candidate?
You seek to compare unlike situations. HE Mwai Kibaki was leading an opposition
party in 2002 when he became a “compromise” candidate. He had contested against
president Arap Moi twice- 1992 and 1997. Hon Mbabazi is still the secretary
general of the ruling NRM and has not indicated that he intends to change that.
--
This is a quote:
"Even if Joseph Kony was killed, that would not necessarily be the end of the
war in northern Uganda because Kony is no more than a ‘ spiritual’ leader of
the LRA. This quick fix, arm-chair solution seemed to be from the Kampala-based
‘opinion leaders’ who only know the war through newspapers".
" Until the legitimate grievances and the marginalization of northern Uganda’s
communities are addressed, LRA fighters remain a possible vehicle for the
expression of northerners’ frustrations".
"Kony may never sign a peace agreement. Whether or not he signs, however, is
less relevant to avoiding new conflict in northern Uganda than ending
marginalization policies and fulfilling promises by the Ugandan government."
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