Beating the Blob and Disentangling from Partners

BY FREDERIC C. HOF

 



Photo: U.S. President Barack Obama listens during his tour at the Hannover
Messe in Hanover, Germany April 25, 2016. REUTERS/Kai Pfaffenbach

Ben Rhodes, President Barack Obama's deputy national security advisor for
strategic communications, is the subject of David Samuels' piece in the New
York Times Magazine: “
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/08/magazine/the-aspiring-novelist-who-became
-obamas-foreign-policy-guru.html?_r=0> The Aspiring Novelist Who Became
Obama's Foreign Policy Guru”. If Jeffrey Goldberg's March 2016 on the "
<http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/04/the-obama-doctrine/4715
25/> Obama doctrine" was not a sufficient foreign policy Rosetta Stone to
decode an administration absolutely without precedent, the Samuels piece
supplies the missing hieroglyphs. The Oval Office, it seems, circumvented
the "American foreign policy establishment" ("the Blob") to pursue a nuclear
deal with Iran that "would create the space for America to disentangle
itself from its established system of alliances with countries like Saudi
Arabia, Egypt, Israel, and Turkey." 

The Samuels piece is not a hatchet job. It is a very sympathetic portrayal
of a highly intelligent, disciplined, dedicated, and loyal official: someone
who has faithfully and accurately channeled, transmitted, and explained the
foreign policy desires of Barack Obama. The attitude of the author toward
the subject makes the substance all the more extraordinary.

For those who believe that the bungled occupation of Iraq in 2003 sums up
the past, present, and future of American behavior and capabilities in the
Middle East, this article is cause for celebratory confirmation. For those
who think that disaster in Iraq had specific causes and effects of its own
(centering on the absence of stabilization planning) not universally
applicable to all things at all times, this article will annoy. Regardless
of the reactions it inspires, David Samuels and his subject deserve credit
for explaining to the reading public what in the world has been going on for
the past several years.

In terms of the administration's public information rationale for that which
it has done and failed to do in the Middle East, it really does all boil
down to Iraq: a foreign policy catastrophe that, for Barack Obama and Ben
Rhodes, sums up America abroad and typifies the handiwork of the American
foreign policy establishment: "the Blob." Per Samuels, "According to Rhodes,
the Blob includes Hillary Clinton, Robert Gates, and other Iraq war
promoters from both parties who now whine incessantly about the collapse of
the American security order in Europe and the Middle East." One could
substitute the name "Trump" for "Rhodes" in the foregoing sentence without
changing the meaning. Given the nature of campaign 2016 to date, Rhodes'
characterization of the presumptive Democratic Party candidate hardly
quickens the pulse.

Indeed, the personal attacks do not matter. Leave aside the fact that
neither Gates nor Clinton was on the ground floor of what passed for war
planning in 2002 and 2003: the expectation of a splendid little campaign
that would culminate with the capture of Baghdad; what one wit described at
the time as "Grenada with Goats." Leave aside that the Obama-Rhodes notion
of the "Blob" probably includes the serving vice president and secretary of
state in addition to at least one other former defense secretary (Leon
Panetta) who served the Obama administration with great distinction. What is
key here is the seeming belief that "Iraq 2003" epitomizes the sum total of
what America stands for and what it brings to the table in the Middle East. 

There is nothing at all remarkable about 'John Q. Citizen' looking back on
invasion, occupation, and insurgency in Iraq and saying, in effect, "Don't
touch it with a ten-foot pole; let the natives have at it and sort it out on
their own." It is something else, however, for an official channeling the
president of the United States to say, "I profoundly do not believe that the
United States could make things better in Syria by being there. And we have
an evidentiary record of what happens when we're there—nearly a decade in
Iraq." This is the official alibi for not having protected, over the course
of five years, one single Syrian civilian from the murderous assaults of
Bashar al-Assad.

Yet the official alibi lacks one critical ingredient: the truth. A "decade
in Iraq" did not dissuade the Obama administration from protecting Syrian
Kurds from a massacre by the Islamic State (ISIS, ISIL, Daesh) in Kobani.
Disaster in Iraq did not deter American military forces from protecting
Yazidis in Iraq itself. The Iraqi fiasco has not stopped the Obama
administration from establishing an anti-ISIS American military presence in
both Iraq and Syria: yes, boots on the ground. No: the Rhodes-Obama fear and
dismissal of making things better in Syria "by being there" applies only to
those parts of Syria experiencing mass murder and massive displacement at
the hands of Bashar al-Assad. Why? Iran.

For an American president and his principal subordinates to avert their
gazes from mass homicide and from doing anything at all to mitigate or
complicate it is far from unprecedented. In this day and age, however,
knowing what we know about twentieth century failures to protect civilians
thanks to the research and writings of Samantha Power and others, it is
stunningly remarkable and regrettable. For a man of Barack Obama's evident
humanity and values, surely there has been something of transcendent
importance that has stayed his hand from protecting Syrian civilians;
something of paramount national security significance that has stopped him
from acting in support of American friends and allies trying desperately to
deal with the hemorrhage of humanity from Syria. Thanks to Ben Rhodes and
his chronicler we know now what it has been: pursuit of a nuclear agreement
with Assad's premier long-term enabler and partner in mass murder: Iran.

The following passage from the Samuels piece clarifies why it was important
for President Obama to protect no one in Syria, to risk his own reputation
in the red-line climb down, and even to assure Iran's Supreme Leader in
writing that the Ayatollah's murderous Syrian subordinate would not be
touched by (anti-ISIS) American military intervention in Syria:



"By eliminating the fuss about Iran's nuclear program, the administration
hoped to eliminate a source of structural tension between the two countries,
which would create the space for America to disentangle itself from its
established system of alliances with countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt,
Israel, and Turkey. With one bold move, the administration would effectively
begin the process of large-scale disentanglement from the Middle East."


To complicate the ability of Iran's man in Syria to commit war crimes and
crimes against humanity would have placed at risk nuclear negotiations aimed
ultimately at dissolving American relationships of trust and confidence with
key regional powers. Yes, the Blob—the foreign policy establishment—would
have had a problem with this. Hence an information operation headed by
Rhodes aimed at avoiding head-on debates with the Blob or, for that matter,
the representatives of the American people in Congress.

Were it not for their enormous suffering, millions of Syrian civilians might
find humor in the reason for their abandonment: a desire by the American
president to disentangle the United States from long-term cooperative
regional relationships. Were it not for the tens of thousands of rockets and
missiles pointed at them by Iran's Lebanese militia, Israelis might enjoy
the irony of it all. The only players in this drama who need neither humor
nor irony to appreciate the importance and value of what is being undertaken
are Iran and Russia. 

President Obama and his assistant get high marks for, in the end, spelling
it all out. They probably sincerely believe that Iraq 2003 sums up the
wisdom and contribution of what they politely call "the foreign policy
establishment." The view here is that their successors will need thoughtful
(if fallible) and experienced (if imperfect) foreign policy
practitioners—yes, the thoroughly disrespected "Blob"—to undo the damage
they have done. 

 <http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/about/experts/list/frederic-c-hof> Frederic
C. Hof is a Resident Senior Fellow with the Atlantic Council's Rafik Hariri
Center for the Middle East.

 

EM

On the 49th Parallel          

                 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in
anarchy"
                    Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni
katika machafuko" 

 

 

 

 

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