Throwing my opinion into this thread, I think George Ferguson is off his
rocker.  (This in regards to the previous postings about "Grade X.")

But, what might fly in Britain won't fly here (thank goodness).  This is
just another example of how different countries view the role of the
historic preservation movement.  For better or worse, we are American
and therefore don't nominally regulate good taste even when "a bad piece
of architecture mars a beautiful view."  In other countries, however,
where people are more amenable to stricter regulations on taste and
appearance, perhaps this kind of logic can be tolerated.  I wonder how
Ferguson proposes to seize private property-- a kind of Eminent Domain
for the Eradication of Ugly?

In a nutshell, I feel like this is what gives the preservation movement,
here and abroad, a bad name.  We can't let ourselves be thought of as
elitist arbiters of good taste, lest we have no rebuttal when Al Krigman
posts an email.

Here's an excerpt from a piece I wrote in 2000 for a magazine called
Loudpaper.  It's on a similar topic and discusses the conflict between
wanting to forget ugly history and needing to remember.  The full
article can be found at http://www.loudpapermag.com/article.php?id=11.
Also, for those interested, I wrote an essay about a postwar modern
structure in San Francisco and the battle that surrounded its
demolition/preservation, which can be found at
http://www.loudpapermag.com/article.php?id=42.  (Unfortunately, the
photos that went with these pieces are not posted to the website.)


* * * 

CLEARING THE SLATE

Yulia points to an empty space. 

"You know what that is?" 

We're in the Ploshtad Batenburg, in Sofia. She points to a light dusting
of rubble near the central park.

According to the 1999 edition of Lonely Planet's guide to Eastern
Europe, the vacuum should contain the now vacant Gyorgi Dimitrov
Mausoleum, which was the former home of the preserved body of one of
Bulgaria's Socialist-era prime ministers. Although his body was removed
in the mid-1990s for cremation, Dimitrov's legacy, in the form of the
physical building, remained on the site. 

"They just destroyed it, it was last month," she says. 

She laughs as she remembers how all the grade schools took their
students on field trips. Lines of students filled through the building
before its demolition. Previous to the final decision to remove the
structure, a competition was held to elicit ideas for its architectural
re-integration into an evolving urban scene. It was a competition
without a winner: not one of the entries was deemed appropriate for an
adaptive reuse of the building. 

Perhaps in a time of economic hardship there was simply no money to
consider a large-scale renovation of a public building. Perhaps the
building was unsafe to stand empty in the square or perhaps demolishing
it is preparation for an expansion of the city's neighboring park when
funds become available. More likely, however, the removal of this
overtly Socialist monument was simply a political gesture.

Other purges of Socialist icons are equally ambiguous. Back in Plovdiv,
Bulgaria's second largest city next to Sofia, a potential act of
eradication hangs in the balance. The Monument to the Russian Soldier
supervises the city from the same hilltop as it has since erected
following World War II. Bas reliefs around the statue valorize the
Russian troops in combat and the Bulgarian citizens who received them
warmly. Today, a sense of gratitude to Communist Russia is not a
cherished national memory. Hopefuls for election to city government
proposed entirely removing the monument, despite its structural
soundness and stately presence. The question is, if the statue was
destroyed and the memory of its outline on the horizon faded, would
prosperity come more quickly to the country?

"No," says Yulia. "The Russians were our liberators. We cannot erase our
Communist history." Ivan is already shaking his head in disagreement.
Both are staunchly anti-Communist but the two differ in opinion on this
issue. Yulia sees a need for an honest reconciliation between past and
future, while Ivan supports a thorough exorcism of any physical evidence
that Bulgaria even existed between 1944 and 1989. He doesn't seem to
fear history repeating itself the same way she does.

Ironically, although Yulia doesn't want Bulgaria to forget it will be
difficult for her to help synthesize Eastern Europe's past and present
from her potential new home in an overpriced Brooklyn walk-up. This
woman is at once passionate about her homeland and disparaging of a
future there. Still, she has her opinions.

"Never forget," says Yulia.

"No," says Ivan. "Ever. Ever forget."


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