Posted by Ilya Somin:
The Comstock Case,  Gonzales v. Raich, and the Limits of Federal Power:
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_01_04-2009_01_10.shtml#1231464543


   I agree with [1]Eugene that[2] United States v. Comstock, today's
   Fourth Circuit decision invalidating a federal statute allowing
   indefinite civil commitment of "sexually dangerous" persons who have
   finished serving their sentences for federal crimes, might end up in
   the Supreme Court. In my view, the court of appeals was right to
   conclude that this statute exceeds Congress' power under the Commerce
   Clause of Article I of the Constitution.

   But Comstock probably isn't consistent with the Supreme Court's 2005
   decision in [3]Gonzales v. Raich, which held that the commerce power
   was broad enough to justify a federal ban on the use of medical
   marijuana, even in a case where the marijuana had no connection
   whatsoever to any commercial transaction. In my view, Raich's
   reasoning is easily broad enough to encompass the statute challenged
   in Comstock.

   I discussed Raich's licensing of virtually unlimited federal power
   under the Commerce Clause in [4]this article. Raich amounts to a
   virtually unlimited reading of the Commerce Clause in three ways (each
   examined more fully in the article):

   First, Raich reiterates earlier decisions holding that the Commerce
   Clause gives Congress the power to regulate any "economic" activity,
   and then goes beyond them by defining "economic activity" to including
   anything that involves the "production, consumption, or distribution"
   of commodities. A person's decision on where to live surely involves
   at least the consumption and distribution of commodities such as
   housing, fuel, electricity, and food. For example, I could not
   continue to live in my current apartment without "consuming"
   electricity and gas there, which are surely commodities. By civilly
   confining certain "sexually dangerous" offenders who have served their
   sentences, 18 U.S.C. 4248, regulates their decision on where to reside
   and thereby also controls their consumption and distribution of
   various commodities.

   Second, Raich expands Congress' ability regulate even "noneconomic"
   activity by claiming that such regulation is part of a "broader
   regulatory scheme" targeting something that is economic. In a brief
   footnote, the Fourth Circuit claims that Section 4248 isn't part of
   any such scheme. However, as Eugene points out in his post, Section
   4248 can easily be considered an extension of the various regulatory
   schemes enforced by the statutes which these offenders had violated in
   the first place. To the extent that continued civil incarceration
   helps prevent future violations of these laws through either
   deterrence or incapacitation, it is surely part of a common regulatory
   scheme with them.

   The Comstock opinion implicitly tries to address this point this by
   noting that the possible future crimes of "sexually dangerous"
   prisoners may only violate state rather than federal law. But it is
   important to remember that Raich does not require that Congress
   specifically intended a connection between the various parts of a
   regulatory scheme; nor does it require any proof that the regulation
   of "noneconomic" activity is actually needed to make the scheme work.
   To the contrary, the Court specifically emphasized that such proof is
   unnecessary so long as Congress had even a minimal basis for
   concluding that there is a connection between the two. Congress also
   is not required to ensure that there is anything approaching a close
   fit between the regulation of "noneconomic" activity and the federal
   interest it is supposed to promote. Thus, the fact that Section 4248
   is broader than necessary is immaterial so far as Raich is concerned.

   Finally, Raich restored the so-called "rational basis" test for
   judicial review of Commerce Clause cases. In plain English, that means
   that the government doesn't have to actually prove that Section 4248
   regulates "economic activity" or that it is part of a broader
   regulatory scheme. Rather, the government can win simply by showing
   that Congress might have had some "rational" reason for believing that
   one of these two conclusions is correct. And by "rational," the Court
   means merely that there is some possibility, even if a very remote
   one, that Congress' putative reasoning might be correct.

   Unfortunately, the Comstock decision dismisses Raich in a brief
   footnote that ignores most of the considerations discussed here. The
   Fourth Circuit does rely heavily on the Court's two earlier Commerce
   Clause decisions in United States v. Lopez and United States v.
   Morrison, but essentially ignores the way in which Raich greatly
   undercuts those precedents by virtually confining them to their facts.
   I discuss the impact of Raich on Lopez and Morrison in [5]my article
   linked above; see also [6]this excellent piece by co-conspirator
   Jonathan Adler.

   If Comstock goes to the Supreme Court, the justices will of course be
   free to overrule Raich or (more likely) cut back on some of its
   expansive reasoning in order create wiggle room for a decision
   upholding the Fourth Circuit ruling. I very much hope that that
   happens. But I am not optimistic. Raich was a 6-3 decision, and two of
   the three justices in the minority (O'Connor and Rehnquist) have since
   been replaced. Thus, the Raich majority remains intact. The four most
   liberal justices have consistently voted against every effort to
   restrict federal Commerce Clause authority and will likely do so in
   this case as well. And it's difficult to believe that they won't pick
   up at least one conservative vote, perhaps from one the two
   conservatives who voted with the majority in Raich (Scalia and
   Kennedy). I think it's also possible that they could get Chief Justice
   John Roberts' vote, as he may be less committed to federalism than his
   predecessor. Distaste for sex offenders could also influence the votes
   of any conservative justices who may be on the fence. There is a
   chance that the five conservative justices will see this as an
   opportunity to reassert the principle that there are still some limits
   to federal power and stick together. But I don't think that is the
   most likely outcome.

References

   1. http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_01_04-2009_01_10.shtml#1231457098
   2. http://pacer.ca4.uscourts.gov/opinion.pdf/077671.P.pdf
   3. http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/03-1454.ZS.html
   4. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=916965
   5. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=916965
   6. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=833946

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