Posted by Eric Posner:
Happiness Research and Legal Scholarship.
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_02_01-2009_02_07.shtml#1233611522


   �Behavioral law and economics,� which combines insights from cognitive
   psychology with the rational choice paradigm used by law and
   economics, has so far relied on an economics-y standard of
   evaluation�efficiency�or forgone normative arguments altogether. But
   economists and psychologists have begun developing an alternative
   normative standard for evaluating law and policy, sometimes called the
   �happiness� approach, because it relies on surveys of self-reported
   happiness. These scholars argue that government should attempt to
   advance self-reported happiness rather than efficiency based on
   willingness-to-pay. The Journal of Legal Studies has just published
   the proceedings of a conference that addressed ways that this work can
   be used in legal scholarship. You can find it [1]here. A few
   paragraphs from the introduction to the conference issue follow:

     Economists who make normative proposals traditionally assume that
     policy should advance �efficiency,� usually in the Kaldor or Hicks
     sense, which defines efficiency in terms of whether the project�s
     winners can hypothetically compensate the project�s losers. A
     compensation criterion is used because it can be based on ordinal
     utilities, which puts a smaller information burden on the decision
     maker than cardinal utilities do. Ordinal utilities, unlike
     cardinal utilities, can (in principle) be inferred from
     observations of consumer behavior. By seeing how people trade off
     goods, willingness-to-pay (or willingness-to-accept) amounts can be
     derived and summed, so that alternative policy outcomes can be
     easily compared.

     This approach has received a great deal of criticism over the
     decades, but it has survived mainly because no alternative method
     has commanded widespread agreement. In recent years, however, a
     small group of economists and psychologists have argued that an
     alternative method is available. This method, often called the
     �happiness approach,� relies on surveys that ask people to rate
     their happiness on a scale. Econometric analysis then finds
     correlations between ratings on the scale and various
     characteristics or experiences of the survey respondents�wealth,
     income, family relationships, and so forth. Though still regarded
     with skepticism in many quarters, the happiness approach has scored
     some notable successes. The various factors that are correlated
     with happiness appear to be robust: they recur in different surveys
     and are correlated with other factors that are plausibly linked to
     happiness such as physical well-being as measured with clinical
     tests.

     In addition, many of the findings have a certain plausibility,
     while at the same time deviating from the results of
     willingness-to-pay and willingness-to-accept measures. Happiness
     improves with wealth but only to a point, and people are less happy
     when their neighbors are wealthier than they are. Happiness is
     correlated with health, but the happiness levels of people who
     suffer grievous injuries rebound with the passage of time. Happy
     people have friends and families, but adults with teenagers are
     less happy than adults with younger or older children. Educated and
     politically engaged people are happier.

     The idea that policy should focus on happiness rather than
     preference orderings is hardly new. Indeed, the happiness view
     predates the preference-orderings view. Jeremy Bentham advocated a
     form of utilitarianism that maximized pleasures and minimized
     pains, an idea that is similar, though not identical, to the
     premise that self-reported happiness measures should be used.
     Economists subsequently abandoned this view in favor of ordinal
     utility functions. But the Benthamite approach never really went
     away. It has lurked at the margins of mainstream economic thought
     for decades. The most famous example is the Easterlin paradox.
     Richard Easterlin (1973) was the first to observe that
     self-reported happiness is correlated with wealth at the individual
     level but not, above a threshold, at the aggregate level: he found
     that happiness does not appear to increase with gross domestic
     product in wealthy countries (this finding has been challenged; see
     Stevenson and Wolfers 2008).

References

   1. http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/toc/jls/2008/37/s2

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