di bawah ini ada artikel Karen Armstrong yang
menarik...

terutama ini:
"Fundamentalist Christians who claim that every word
of the Bible is literally true are reading in an
essentially modern way; before the advent of our
scientifically oriented culture, Jews, Christians and
Muslims all relished highly allegorical
interpretations of their holy texts. Religious
Zionists who regard Israel as sacred also fly in the
face of tradition. A hundred years ago, most orthodox
rabbis condemned the idea of a Jewish secular state in
the Holy Land. In making the assertion that a cleric
should be head of state, Ayatollah Khomeini flouted
centuries of Shia orthodoxy, which separated religion
and politics as a matter of sacred principle.

The same is true of the new emphasis on violent jihad.
Until recently, no Muslim thinker had ever claimed it
was the central tenet of Islam. The first to make this
controversial, even heretical, claim was the Pakistani
ideologue Abu Ala Mawdudi in 1939. Like Qutb, he was
well aware that this innovation could only be
justified by the godless cruelty of modernity.
Informed extremists today do not need to be told that
their holy war is unorthodox; they already know."


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avatari

-----------------------------------------------

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,1815769,00.html

Violent Islamic radicals know they are heretical

Extremists are proud of their deviance, and moderate
Muslims can't be held responsible

Karen Armstrong
Saturday July 8, 2006
The Guardian

A few years ago at a conference in the US, a Christian
fundamentalist erupted into the hall and launched a
vitriolic attack on me and my fellow panellists. His
words were tumbling over one another incoherently, but
the note of pain was clear. We had obviously assaulted
him at some profound level. For three days my
colleagues and I had discussed complex and radical
issues in theology, not once at a loss for words; but
stunned by the impact of this attack, we could find
nothing to say. Dumbfounded, we gazed bleakly at our
assailant across an abyss of incomprehension, until he
was hustled out.

This type of incident is now common. Increasingly,
people find it difficult to communicate with their
co-religionists. The divide is as great as that
between religious and secular people. Many of the
faithful feel threatened by those who interpret their
tradition differently; it seems their sacred values
are in jeopardy. An apparently impassable gulf yawns
between liberal and fundamentalist Christians, reform
and orthodox Jews, traditional and extremist Muslims.
Because of our preoccupation with the so-called clash
of civilisations, this internal tension is often
overlooked.

It is a year since the London bombings, an act
committed in the name of Islam by a viciously
disaffected minority, but which violated the essential
principles of any religion. Doubtless with this
anniversary in mind, the prime minister has complained
that British Muslims are not doing enough to deal with
the extremists. The "moderate" Muslims, he said
testily, must confront the Islamists; they cannot
condemn their methods while tacitly condoning their
anger. The extremists' anti-western views are wrong,
and mainstream Muslims must tell them that violent
jihad "is not the religion of Islam".

This regrettable step will put yet more pressure on a
community already under strain. It ignores the fact
that the chief problem for most Muslims is not "the
west" per se, but the suffering of Muslims in
Guantánamo, Abu Ghraib, Iraq and Palestine. Many
Britons share this dismay, but the strong emphasis
placed by Islam upon justice and community solidarity
makes this a religious issue for Muslims. When they
see their brothers and sisters systematically
oppressed and humiliated, some feel as wounded as a
Christian who sees the Bible spat upon or the
eucharistic host violated.

It is disingenuous of Tony Blair to separate the
rising tide of "Islamism" from his unpopular foreign
policy, particularly when Palestinians are being
subjected to new dangers in Gaza. He is also mistaken
to imagine that law-abiding Muslims could bring the
extremists to heel in the same way that he disciplines
recalcitrant members of his cabinet. This is just not
how religious groups operate.

During the 20th century, a militant piety erupted in
almost every major world faith: in Buddhism, Sikhism,
Hinduism and Confucianism, as well as in Judaism,
Christianity and Islam. It is often called
"fundamentalism". Its aim is to bring God and/or
religion from the sidelines back to centre stage,
though very few fundamentalists commit acts of
violence. Coined by American Protestants who wanted a
return to Christian "fundamentals", the term is
unsatisfactory, not least because it suggests a
conservative and backward-looking religiosity. In
fact, fundamentalists are rebels who have separated
themselves irrevocably and on principle from the main
body of the faithful. Fundamentalist movements are
nearly always the result of an internal dispute with
traditional or liberal co-religionists;
fundamentalists regard them as traitors who have made
too many concessions to modernity. They withdraw from
mainstream religious life to create separatist
churches, colleges, study groups, madrasas, yeshivas
and training camps. Only later, if at all, do
fundamentalists turn their wrath against a foreign
foe.

Thus Sayyid Qutb (1906-66), whose ideology is followed
by most Sunni fundamentalists, had no love for the
west, but his jihad was primarily directed against
such Muslim rulers as Jamal Abdul Nasser. In order to
replace secularist Fatah, Hamas began by attacking the
PLO, and was initially funded by Israel in order to
undermine Arafat. Osama bin Laden began by campaigning
against the Saudi royal family and secularist rulers
such as Saddam Hussein; later, when he discovered the
extent of their support for these regimes, he declared
war against the US. Even when fundamentalists are
engaged in a struggle with an external enemy, this
internal hostility remains a potent force.

It is unrealistic to hope that radical Islamists will
be chastened by a rebuke from "moderate" imams; they
have nothing but contempt for traditional Muslims, who
they see as part of the problem. Nor are extremists
likely to be dismayed when told that terrorism
violates the religion of Islam. We often use the word
"fundamentalist" wrongly, as a synonym for "orthodox".
In fact, fundamentalists are unorthodox - even
anti-orthodox. They may invoke the past, but these are
innovative movements that promote entirely new
doctrines.

Fundamentalist Christians who claim that every word of
the Bible is literally true are reading in an
essentially modern way; before the advent of our
scientifically oriented culture, Jews, Christians and
Muslims all relished highly allegorical
interpretations of their holy texts. Religious
Zionists who regard Israel as sacred also fly in the
face of tradition. A hundred years ago, most orthodox
rabbis condemned the idea of a Jewish secular state in
the Holy Land. In making the assertion that a cleric
should be head of state, Ayatollah Khomeini flouted
centuries of Shia orthodoxy, which separated religion
and politics as a matter of sacred principle.

The same is true of the new emphasis on violent jihad.
Until recently, no Muslim thinker had ever claimed it
was the central tenet of Islam. The first to make this
controversial, even heretical, claim was the Pakistani
ideologue Abu Ala Mawdudi in 1939. Like Qutb, he was
well aware that this innovation could only be
justified by the godless cruelty of modernity.
Informed extremists today do not need to be told that
their holy war is unorthodox; they already know.

The extremists believe that mainstream Muslims have
failed to respond to the current crisis and are proud
of their own deviance. Attempting to shift the blame
to the already beleaguered Muslim community could
further alienate the disaffected. It will certainly
not prevent another London bombing.

· Karen Armstrong is the author of The Battle for God,
A History of Fundamentalism
[EMAIL PROTECTED]



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