http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/06/28/chinese-indonesians039-president.html

Chinese Indonesians' president?
Christine Susanna Tjhin ,  Peking   |  Sun, 06/28/2009 11:35 AM  |  



I this newspaper's June 24 edition, Mario Rustan wrote a piece on the Chinese 
Indonesians' dilemma in voting for the president and, while acknowledging the 
diversity of Chinese Indonesian's political preferences, went further, 
describing what he called the community's "general attitude and behavior in 
politics". 

The general message of Rustan's article is that there has been a heightened 
sense of political awareness and assertiveness amongst Chinese Indonesians. 

Rustan's article made a fair assessment of the political preferences of some, 
but definitely not all, Chinese Indonesians. His arguments regarding the 
Chinese Indonesian's inclination that Megawati was the "obvious choice" in 2004 
need to be further pondered. Furthermore, we need to be extra-critical in 
pondering the assessment he made on the current elections. 

It is regrettable that Rustan pointed out that, in the eyes of Chinese 
Indonesians in general, Prabowo "is the hardest-working candidate when it comes 
to approaching Chinese community leaders" and "could convince people that he is 
Chinese-friendly". Or that, in the eyes of Chinese Indonesians, Jusuf Kalla is 
viewed as "a racist and an Islamist" or that "Yudhoyono would still be popular 
for many Chinese who don't know and don't care much for politics, but only wish 
for security, safety, and order." 

Chinese Indonesians, like other brothers and sisters of different ethnicities, 
are divided in their preferences for this year's presidential elections. There 
is no accurate evidence that indicates vote distribution based on ethnicity - 
be it Chinese, Javanese, Minangs, etc. 

The closest one can try is to attempt to monitor electoral booths in areas 
which have a higher concentration of Chinese Indonesians. This is often done by 
Chinese Indonesian associations. The assumption may be probable, yet is still 
highly debatable. 

It would be more useful, perhaps, if we assess elements that affect the 
electoral and political dynamics of Chinese Indonesian, or how different 
Chinese Indonesians engage with the agendas presented by each candidate, rather 
than simply predicting or assuming which candidate is preferred by Chinese 
Indonesians. 

Rustan has made a fair effort at identifying the issues that matter to Chinese 
Indonesians, namely security (May 1998 violence), pluralism (racism and 
religion), and the economy. He also pointed out interesting external factors 
that influence their political preference. The author would like complement his 
assessment on issues that matters to the Chinese Indonesian community and 
discuss them further. 

Of the many Chinese Indonesians involved in the May 1998 violence, only very 
few, notably Ester Jusuf of Solidaritas Nusa Bangsa, have struggled to make the 
issue part of the bigger issue of human rights and not have it cast as an 
isolated anti-Chinese incident. We cannot deny the strong anti-Chinese stench 
from the tragic incident, yet we must not perpetuate the image of the lone 
Chinese Indonesian ranger seeking partial justice. The on-going struggle of 
Ester and others is just one of numerous examples of Chinese Indonesian 
political mainstreaming in its infancy. It is indeed an encouraging phenomenon 
manifesting the long-held desire of Chinese Indonesians to be an integral part 
of Indonesia. 

Finally, we should not be so quick to dismiss the number of Chinese Indonesian 
voters as "insignificant" and "expendable". 

First, there is a possibility that the elections is equally divided, thus such 
small numbers may be the tipping factor that determines the outcome of the 
election. 

Second, assuming that there are some well-learned Chinese Indonesian voters, 
these people can spread out their influence through public debates and create a 
multiplier effect. Democracy is not the monopoly of the majority. Minorities, 
be that based on ethnicity, religion, ideologies, gender, etc, can define the 
quality of our democracy. 

The writer is a researcher (on study leave) at the Centre for Strategic and 
International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta. She is currently a PhD candidate at the 
School of International Studies, Peking University, China.


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