http://www.aawsat.com/english/news.asp?section=2&id=19028


Iran: Wayward Ship with No Captain

04/12/2009 
By Amir Taheri


Whichever way one looks at it, things are not going well for the Khomeinist 
regime in Tehran. 
The decision-making process is paralysed more or less while the "authorities", 
if one could grace the band of bozos in charge with such an appellation, are 
stumbling from one crisis to another. 


At home, the sad saga is punctuated by one anti-regime demonstration after 
another. The next mass protests are scheduled for next week as the nation marks 
the traditional "Students Day". 

At the same time, the latest data published by the Central Bank of Iran (CBI) 
paint the picture of an economic meltdown with double-digit inflation and 
unemployment wrecking the lives of millions. One sure sign that the country is 
in crisis is the dramatic increase in the number of appearances by the "Supreme 
Guide" Ali Khamenei. 

Over the past six months, the ayatollah has burst out of the purdah on more 
occasions than his total appearances in the past decade or so. The idea that 
the "Supreme Guide", supposed to represent the "Hidden Imam", should remain 
shrouded in a minimum of mysticism is cast aside, transforming Mr. Khamenei 
into another wrestler engaged in the fight in a mud pit. 

In the Khomeinist system, the "Supreme Guide" is supposed to be neutral, 
standing above factions, ready to promote healing and reconciliation. By 
becoming one of the fighters involved in a dirty power struggle, Khamenei has 
deprived the system of its principal safety mechanism. 

For his part, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has remained true to his reputation 
as a bull-in-the-china-shop character who cannot conceive of any compromise. 

Other regime grandees are caught on similarly wrong and eventually dangerous 
trajectories. 

Hashemi Rafsanjani, the protean former president, did raise his head above the 
parapet in a forlorn attempt at promoting compromise. However, with arrows 
darting towards him from all directions, he decided to withdraw into his cocoon 
and protect his allegedly ill-gained wealth. 

Ali Ardeshir Larijani, the speaker of the ersatz parliament, pursues an even 
more opportunistic strategy. His hope is that Ahmadinejad and his rivals in the 
opposition will end up destroying each other, pulling down Khamenei with them. 
That would open the way for Ali Ardeshir to become President of the Islamic 
Republic while his elder brother Sadeq Ardeshir, a mullah and currently head of 
the judiciary, captures the position of "Supreme Guide". 

Watching on the sidelines is General Muhammad-Baqer Qalibaf, the Mayor of 
Tehran, and one of the most ambitious commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary 
Guard Corps (IRGC). His game plan is to promote himself as "a national 
reserve", the providential man, who would step in after politicians and mullahs 
have torn each other, and the country, apart. 

Not surprisingly, Qalibaf's secret hero is Reza Khan, the Cossack officer who 
seized power in 1921 in similar circumstances and went on to become Shah four 
years later. 

At one level, there is nothing wrong with power hungry politicians pursuing 
personal ambitions. The trouble is that with all key figures of the regime 
engaged in self-survival or power-grabbing exercises, there is no one to 
captain the ship of state in these tumultuous times. 

There are no negotiations between the authorities and the opposition to seek a 
way out of the crisis. The new Ahmadinejad administration is visibly incapable 
of providing a credible strategy. The so-called "Green" opposition is equally 
unable to offer even a glimpse of a coherent policy platform. Saying "no" does 
not amount to a strategy, and periodical protest marches are no substitute for 
policy. 

Abroad, the Islamic Republic's position is even more disastrous. 

Earlier this month, President Ahmadinejad toured Brazil, Venezuela and Senegal 
in a bid to secure some of the legitimacy that eludes him at home. It would be 
an understatement to suggest that in all three countries he was treated with 
less deference due to being an Iranian president. 

Neither the Brazilian President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva nor his Venezuelan 
counterpart Hugo Chavez took the trouble to go the airport to welcome 
Ahmadinejad. Neither offered him the routine state banquet that protocol 
requires. Chavez, who has benefited from Iranian political and economic 
support, appeared to have lost much of his fraternal sentiments for his Iranian 
guest. 

In Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, Ahmadinejad had to stand to attention 
while the pre-revolution Iranian national anthem was played instead of the one 
introduced by the mullahs in 1979. 

In Senegal, President Abdullah Wade made sure that Ahmadinejad's state visit 
had none of the frills that the Senegalese put on show when Empress Farah 
visited Dakar almost 40 years ago. However, the main problem with Ahmadinejad's 
failed foreign policy is not protocolary slaps in the face. He has made the 
nation more isolated and vulnerable than at any time since the end of the 
Iran-Iraq war in 1989. 

Last week, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) overwhelmingly 
approved a new resolution in which the Islamic Republic is accused implicitly 
of lying and cheating. The IAEA had never insulted any of its members in such 
terms before, and that in spite of efforts by its retiring Director Muhammad 
El-Baradei to give Tehran the benefit of a doubt. 

Ahmadinejad's adventurist foreign policy has made Iran the subject of the 
wildest fantasies. In world capitals, after dinner chitchat, people talk of who 
would attack Iran and on what scale as if they were discussing changes in the 
weather. It no longer matters whether or not one likes the bizarre system 
invented out of whole cloth by Khomeini. What matters now is that the Islamic 
Republic is a wayward ship in a stormy sea with no captain onboard. That is bad 
news for Iran, the region and the world


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