Cde Luzuko, uyi bethile Bovana! I cannot agree with you more!

On Wed, Aug 19, 2009 at 5:12 PM, Luzuko Buku <[email protected]> wrote:

>   *Reconciling the David and the Dominic Documents*
>
>
>
> Comrade Dominic is just being over difficult here. There might be
> differences in the emails, but I don’t see any fundamental difference
> between what comrade David and him are saying on their documents. As a
> person that has been following the debates, which I think got out of hand
> and strayed away from the conceptions of both documents, I believe it is
> proper for me to reconcile both arguments.
>
> In his document comrade Dominic argues that, “The number of seats held by
> the communists is not critical. The presence of communists in parliament is
> tactical. In some circumstances there might even be a boycott of elections
> or of parliament. But as a rule the communists have good reasons for wanting
> to be in parliament.” This point has no difference with the arguments of
> comrade David as he does not argue for a mere increase in the number of
> communist in parliament, but stress the need for them to be accountable to
> the SACP, as the title of the document explains.
>
>
>
> Comrade Dominic goes on to correctly argue that parliament, “is a
> relatively minor site of struggle and views on parliamentary tactics should
> therefore never be allowed to divide or split the revolutionary forces.” In
> relation to the first argument of Comrade Dominic comrade David is scared of
> the fact that in the current arrangement Communist are not represented in
> Parliament, as those that are there do not report to the party of
> Communists. Bear in mind that comrade David is not saying we should have
> communist in parliament accounting to the SACP and it ends there, he treats
> communist participation in parliament tactically.
>
>
>
> Comrade David’s document also says nothing about a break of the SACP with
> the ANC, unless comrade David said this in an informal discussion with
> Dominic, until this come to the fore, those remarks (if there are any)
> remain unknown.
>
> The main point that clearly connects the document is when comrade Dominic
> argues that, “Parliament is part of the enemy camp and party members go
> there as agitators to carry out party decisions under the command and
> control of the party leadership outside parliament..” Comrade David wants
> party cadres in parliament to be accountable to the “party leadership
> outside parliament”, and the title of his document says a lot about this
> (Independence of the SACP in the post-2009).
>
> David’s document can be summed up by his quote when he says, “SACP cadres
> are in the legislatures as ANC members and under the whip of the ANC, and
> the modes of accountability as well as the tasks of communists in the
> legislatures in relation to the independent role of the Party in the
> legislatures are not very clear.”
>
> I am more than convinced that there is no point of fundamental difference
> in both documents, but these things are expressed differently in both
> documents. Both cadres should be commended for drafting these documents and
> the documents should not be viewed as in opposition to each other.
>
> Lastly I admire comrade David for not reducing himself, to the fruitful but
> rather unhealthy email debate in the forum, where this was reduced into this
> person knows this Marxist document and can quote it very well and that one
> has made a spelling mistake and that one has mistakenly said the Congress of
> the People organised the Defiance Campaign rather than the Congress
> Alliance.
>
> In as much as comrade Dominic follows the Critical Pedagogy, he does not
> live it, because he tends to scare most of us with classical Marxists
> documents and big references, every time when he is engaged. This is not to
> say referencing is wrong, but we should remember that this is a 
> *Young*Communist League Discussion Forum, hence
> *young* communists, like me, decide to abstain in discussions where
> Dominic is involved.
>
> Aluta Continua
>
>
> Luzuko Buku
> YCL Chairperson, Rhodes University
> ANC Rodgers Faltein
> 0786172286
> www.lbuku.blogspot.com
>
>
> "The state is the product and manifestation of the irreconcilability of
> class antagonisms..."State and Revolution, Lenin (1917)
>
>  ------------------------------
> *From:* morgan phaahla <[email protected]>
> *To:* [email protected]
> *Sent:* Wednesday, August 19, 2009 12:06:54 PM
>
> *Subject:* [YCLSA Discussion] Re: POLITICAL NOTES PRESENTED BY CDE MASONDO
>
>   Cde VC,
>
> I did not quote or draw any argument intentionally not to complicate the
> debate further. Cde Mduduzi pointed out clearly to you that he would rather
> narrow the debate from its inception. This was exactly my plea to you
> initially when the discussion documents from cde David and yourself were
> posted to the forum in relation to the debate.
>
> As agreed to confine the discussion to a narrow focus, I challenged your
> suggestion that "The communists are the ones who most consciously design
> and build the institutions - the democratic institutions - of society. We do
> not do it so that we can "win" those institutions as a party, and possess
> them. We are not a bourgeois party, or anything like a bourgeois party."
>
> Having failed to unpack this statement it remained empty, if not the
> illusion of a pre-Marxist socialist. In dismissing your suggestion, I quoted
> in the Communist Manifesto to show that a "mode of entry" into the
> bourgeois state is the quintessence of Marx and Engels, as indicated that of
> 'all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the
> proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes decay
> and finally disapper in the face of modern industry; the proletariat is its
> special and essential product.'
>
> To this end, I appreciate our difference of opinion and thus end by
> calling upon other cadres to give their own perspective so that we can
> develop a position and move forward.
>
> You're welcome to challenge my point of reference.
>
> I remain,
>
> Morgan Phaahla
> Ekurhuleni
>
>
> "Sometimes, if you wear suits for too long, it changes your ideology." -
> Joe Slovo
>
> --- On *Tue, 8/18/09, Dominic Tweedie <[email protected]>* wrote:
>
>
> From: Dominic Tweedie <[email protected]>
> Subject: [YCLSA Discussion] Re: POLITICAL NOTES PRESENTED BY CDE MASONDO
> To: [email protected]
> Date: Tuesday, August 18, 2009, 12:23 PM
>
> Dear Cde Morgan,
>
> You have not quoted or drawn out any argument from the second part of the
> Communist Manifesto (Proletarians and Communists). You have only asked us to
> read the whole thing.
>
> Let me demonstrate what I mean about quoting and drawing out an argument,
> using the first page of the first part of Chapter 2 of Lenin's 1917 "The
> State and Revolution" (see below).
>
> You will see that Lenin starts with "the first work of mature Marxism"
> (written immediately before the Manifesto), and then quickly moves to the
> Manifesto itself, in order to make the point, using the Manifesto in
> particular, that the State that we want is "the proletariat organized as
> the ruling class".
>
> The state that we have now is the *bourgeoisie* organised as the ruling
> class. What you and David are proposing is a "mode of entry" into the
> bourgeois state. It sounds like a Kama Sutra position, but whatever it is,
> it is not revolution.
>
> Read what Lenin has to say about it, please, comrade, and then don't forget
> what the very same Manifesto says almost at its last end:
>
> "The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly
> declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of
> all existing social conditions."
>
> *Here's Lenin:
>
> **
> 1. The Eve of Revolution*
>
> The first works of mature Marxism — The Poverty of Philosophy and the
> Communist Manifesto — appeared just on the eve of the revolution of 1848.
> For this reason, in addition to presenting the general principles of
> Marxism, they reflect to a certain degree the concrete revolutionary
> situation of the time. It will, therefore, be more expedient, perhaps, to
> examine what the authors of these works said about the state immediately
> before they drew conclusions from the experience of the years 1848-51.
>
>
> In *The Poverty of Philosophy*, Marx wrote:
>
>
> "The working class, in the course of development, will substitute for the
> old bourgeois society an association which will preclude classes and their
> antagonism, and there will be no more political power groups, since the
> political power is precisely the official expression of class antagonism in
> bourgeois society." (p.182, German edition, 1885)[1]
>
>
> It is instructive to compare this general exposition of the idea of the
> state disappearing after the abolition of classes with the exposition
> contained in the *Communist Manifesto*, written by Marx and Engels a few
> months later--in November 1847, to be exact:
>
>
> "... In depicting the most general phases of the development of the
> proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within
> existing society up to the point where that war breaks out into open
> revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the
> foundation for the sway of the proletariat....
>
> "... We have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the
> working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of the ruling
> class to win the battle of democracy.
>
> "The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degree, all
> capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in
> the hands of the state, i.e., of the proletariat organized as the ruling
> class; and to increase the total productive forces as rapidly as possible."
> (pp.31 and 37, seventh German edition, 1906)[2]
>
>
> Here we have a formulation of one of the most remarkable and most important
> ideas of Marxism on the subject of the state, namely, the idea of the
> "dictatorship of the proletariat" (as Marx and Engels began to call it after
> the Paris Commune); and, also, a highly interesting definition of the state,
> which is also one of the "forgotten words" of Marxism: "the state, i..e.,
> the proletariat organized as the ruling class."
>
>
> This definition of the state has never been explained in the prevailing
> propaganda and agitation literature of the official Social-Democratic
> parties. More than that, it has been deliberately ignored, for it is
> absolutely irreconcilable with reformism, and is a slap in the face for the
> common opportunist prejudices and philistine illusions about the "peaceful
> development of democracy".
>
> The proletariat needs the state — this is repeated by all the opportunists,
> social-chauvinists and Kautskyites, who assure us that this is what Marx
> taught. But they "forget" to add that, in the first place, according to
> Marx, the proletariat needs only a state which is withering away, i.e., a
> state so constituted that it begins to wither away immediately, and cannot
> but wither away. And, secondly, the working people need a "state, i.e., the
> proletariat organized as the ruling class".
>  The state is a special organization of force: it is an organization of
> violence for the suppression of some class. What class must the proletariat
> suppress? Naturally, only the exploiting class, i.e., the bourgeoisie. The
> working people need the state only to suppress the resistance of the
> exploiters, and only the proletariat can direct this suppression, can carry
> it out. For the proletariat is the only class that is consistently
> revolutionary, the only class that can unite all the working and exploited
> people in the struggle against the bourgeoisie, in completely removing it.
>
>
> VC
>
>
> morgan phaahla wrote:
>
>   Comrades,
>
> In relation to the discussion, let's read chapter 2 of Communist
> Manifesto on Proletarians and Communists, and develop a position on this
> issue..
>
> Here is the link,
> http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htm
>
> So far there is no dissenting view, except VC's only point of difference.
> Otherwise he must give in, by the force of circumstances, to be part of the
> whole.
>
> Kindest regards
>
> Morgan Phaahla
>
>
>
> "Sometimes, if you wear suits for too long, it changes your ideology." -
> Joe Slovo
>
> --- On *Tue, 8/18/09, Dominic Tweedie 
> <[email protected]><http://us.mc502.mail.yahoo.com/mc/[email protected]>
> * wrote:
>
>
> From: Dominic Tweedie 
> <[email protected]><http://us.mc502.mail.yahoo.com/mc/[email protected]>
> Subject: [YCLSA Discussion] Re: POLITICAL NOTES PRESENTED BY CDE MASONDO
> To: 
> [email protected]<http://us.mc502.mail.yahoo.com/mc/[email protected]>
> Date: Tuesday, August 18, 2009, 4:42 AM
>
> Comrade Mduduzi,
>
> What is difficult is that you are trying to hold a bourgeois concept of the
> State and a revolutionary understanding of it in your head at one and the
> same time.
>
> Unfortunately, if you cannot see the difference, you will tend to fall to
> the bourgeois side. I'm sorry to be so blunt about this but when you write
> "Much as the state is according to Lenin "an organ of oppression", it can be
> progressive if policies taken in parliament are pro poor," you must know
> that you are doing something terrible.
>
> Because if people do not know better, they can think from what you have
> written that Lenin thought that Parliament "can be progressive if policies
> taken in parliament are pro poor," whereas nothing could be further from the
> truth.
>
> I think the best remedy for you and for others is to read Lenin's "The
> State and 
> Revolution<http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/staterev/index.htm>".
> It is very direct and quite easy to read and it is relevant.
>
> In Chapter 3, section 3, "Abolition of Parliamentarism" Lenin quotes Marx
> as calling bourgeois parliamentarism a "pigsty".
>
> In struggle,
>
> VC
>
>
>
> Mduduzi H Vilakazi wrote: Cadres,
>
>
> The debate is too difficult for some of us. It needs the highest level of
> analysis and some basic background of the alliance. I would be happy to
> start at the beginning of the debate.
>
> Cde David raised some sharp discussions on the independence of the party
> within the reconfigured alliance. Put differently, he questioned the big
> brother approach where the ANC remains the only vehicle to state power. This
> approach questions the hegemony of one party over the others within the
> alliance.
>
> Set aside these structures, you have all of these structures operating
> their own constitutions that guide their everyday organizational activities.
> They hold their different conferences which translates into different
> resolutions. It therefore becomes imperative that activities of the
> structures of the various organisations in the alliance will be measured by
> their separate resolutions.
>
> The fact that one alliance partner is interested in discussions and
> decisions of the other alliance partners does not mean these structures
> becomes one. they still remain separate. For this reason, I concur with
> comrade Masondo that the resolutions of the Party shall independently find
> expression in activities of the state. This can only happen when the
> reconfiguration will clearly mean that the Party will in its own right
> recall its members who functions contrary to the resolutions, traditions
> and ideology of the Party.
>
> This will save the Party from having members who deliberately side with the
> bourgeoisie (other than tactical) on policies of the state and hide with
> democratic centralism. Much as the state is according to Lenin "an organ of
> oppression", it can be progressive if policies taken in parliament are pro
> poor. This will not come as a silver platter, it needs some strategic "mode
> of entry" different from the one where the ANC holds the power of members of
> the Party with regards to caucus, recalling and deployment.
>
> I agree with the views of Phaahla and Masondo on moving forward. Marxism
> cannot remain dogma. The current situation needs current analysis that will
> provide current solutions to current problems.
>
> I pause.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> >
>
>

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