*Zimbabweat it again!*
*by Nqobizitha Mlilo (in Zimbabwe)*
**

This week we could have looked at the post Polokwane ripples as they are
drawing circles in the waters of President Zuma administration, particularly
as they relate to the view of the left of the African National Congress
(ANC) alliance on Minister Trevor Manuel. Before pen could come to paper,
Zimbabwe was at it again!

Surely the issue of Minister Trevor Manuel and what informs the undercurrent
on his perceived or real dominance will be with us for some time, and
therefore we could unpack it later. For now Zimbabwe, well again!

Prime Minister and President of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
President, Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai announced the MDC would “disengage from
ZANU PF” labeling same an “unreliable partner.”

As usual, the media went to town and described the impending situation in
Zimbabwe in all other words, not least “a crisis!”
But is it a crisis? Perhaps not! ; at least at this stage. The response of
the MDC to ZANU PF’s reaction will indicate whether or not there will be a
crisis. For now the cows have just left the kraal for the pasture with a
drunkard.

It has always been apparent that the Inclusive Government was an
unsustainable arrangement. It is no wonder the situation is where it is now.


The problem starts, or put differently, started with the conceptualization
of the MDC-ZANU PF ‘government.’ It was a conceptual problem.

What is the nature of the ‘government’? Is it a Government of National Unity
or an Inclusive Government, or a Transitional Government, or a Transitional
Authority, or for that matter an MDC-ZANU PF administration? These issues
were never thrashed out with sufficient clarity and hence it is common cause
that, while these terms do not necessarily mean the same thing, they have
been interchanged. In the end they meant everything but nothing. So too the
‘government.’

Without theoretical clarity of the nature of government, the submission is
that there will equally be political confusion. For our purposes, we will
use Inclusive Government.

Further, on the very day of the swearing-in of Ministers, it was clear that
trouble was not coming, but had arrived. ZANU PF increased its number of
Ministers. The political message that was reflecting was that the Inclusive
Government could and will only ‘succeed’ or remain in place to the extent
the MDC was and is willing to continue to give in to attempts by ZANU PF to
unilaterally rewrite the Global Political Agreement. Put differently, the
Inclusive Government can only remain as long as the MDC is willing to
tolerate renegade behavior of ZANU PF in all its manifestations.

It is inconceivable that ZANU PF will change and be put in a psyche of
national building and development. This is precisely because ZANU PF long
ceased to be a political party, but rather has become a machine of callous
violence in a power retention agenda whose objective is using the state as a
means of primitive accumulation of wealth. To expect ZANU PF to adhere to
the Global Political Agreement is, to put it politely, naïve.

The decision of the MDC to disengage from ZANU PF was therefore correct.

There are some that have argued that there is no such thing as a partial
withdrawal from the government. Well, there is! The MDC has partially
withdrawn! Bismarck was correct that 'politics is the art of the possible'.
What is possible is informed by the material prevalent political conditions.

With the political situation in Zimbabwe, what the MDC did was to signal
strongly that they were unhappy with the manner things were progressing. It
was a signal that gave them space to rethink of other strategies, expose and
see the response of ZANU PF and indeed see how far the regional body,
Southern African Development Community, (SADC) and the continental body,
African Union, (AU) was to react given that they are the guarantor of the
Global Political Agreement. Within the party, the leadership of the MDC was
able to respond to the growing irritation and impatience by the rank and
file about the pretence, indeed informed by national interests, that things
were working.

What then is likely to happen? It is unlikely that ZANU PF will soften up.
The stalemate will remain for at least the next three weeks. Deputations
will be sent from either side reminiscent of the period of the Ministerial
portfolio allocation. These deputations will not resolve the real issue that
is at the heart of the problem. Any announcement that the issues have been
resolved will inevitably mean that MDC has given in again and has accepted
the rewriting of the Global Political Agreement.

Within the framing of the issues as the MDC has done, the real chance for
the MDC comes with the calling for free and fair elections run by SADC and
the AU supervised by the UN. The involvement of SADC and AU is to ensure the
transfer of power which has been a missing ingredient in the MDC ascension
to state power. This of course will not be given in a silver platter, but
would have to be a product, as with many things the MDC has achieved, of
struggle.

By looking at the content of the Kariba draft, and not politicking about the
characters that negotiated it, since same was intended to be a transitional
document leading to free and fair elections, the document has, sufficient
provisions, at least from section 201 to 208, read with and changed as maybe
necessary to accommodate SADC, AU and UN, which could be the electoral law.

It has been said by some that there is no alternative to the Inclusive
Government. This is simply a reflection of intellectual laziness, impotence
and just refusing to think.  No struggle for real emancipation of the masses
of the people can be said to have no alternatives. Alternatives are there,
the leadership of the people of Zimbabwe in genreal and MDC in particular
knows, they should take them.

In any event, as David Thomson, in his book *Europe Since Napoleon*,
observed with reference to the French Revolution, all political decisions
are, in essence, a step in the dark.

That Zimbabwe continues to be on the radar for the wrong reasons must now
end in real terms. A lasting solution rooted in the aspirations of the
people of Zimbabwe, rather than appeasement of a geriatric dictator, must be
found.

The people of Zimbabwe have endured psychological torture of political
uncertainly for far too long. Notwithstanding the failures of the MDC in
some respects, which is solely as a result of inexperience and immaturity,
particularly its slowness to appreciate Afro-sensitive issues, African
Institutions must accept that the MDC is the solution to Zimbabwe’s
problems. Rather than punish, African Institutions must assist the MDC and
help it grow. That the MDC has the interests of the people of Zimbabwe at
heart can never be disputed.


Equally, it is incumbent upon the MDC to engage in deliberate and serious
African diplomatic work and relationship building.
How much longer should the people of Zimbabwe wait?
 *This article was originally published on page 4 of the Northwest Post **
www.nwpost.co.za* <http://www.nwpost.co.za/>

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