Dear All,

On Saturday, Peter Bruce,* BusinessDay* editor tweeted as follows;

"Fascinating piece from Charles Moore, a traditional conservative on why the
left may be right:http://tgr.ph/naoQTb ” I followed the link and saw this
article in the UK newspaper, *The Telegraph*:


I'm starting to think that the Left might actually be right



*What with the the phone-hacking scandal, the eurozone crisis and the US
economic woes, the greedy few have left people disillusioned with our
debased democracies.*

*By Charles Moore<http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/columnists/charlesmoore/>
*

8:13PM BST 22 Jul 2011

It has taken me more than 30 years as a journalist to ask myself this
question, but this week I find that I must: is the Left right after all? You
see, one of the great arguments of the Left is that what the Right calls
“the free market” is actually a set-up.

The rich run a global system that allows them to accumulate capital and pay
the lowest possible price for labour. The freedom that results applies only
to them. The many simply have to work harder, in conditions that grow ever
more insecure, to enrich the few. Democratic politics, which purports to
enrich the many, is actually in the pocket of those bankers, media barons
and other moguls who run and own everything.

In the 1970s and 1980s, it was easy to refute this line of reasoning because
it was obvious, particularly in Britain, that it was the trade unions that
were holding people back. Bad jobs were protected and good ones could not be
created. “Industrial action” did not mean producing goods and services that
people wanted to buy, it meant going on strike. The most visible form of
worker oppression was picketing. The most important thing about Arthur
Scargill’s disastrous miners’ strike was that he always refused to hold a
ballot on it.



A key symptom of popular disillusionment with the Left was the moment, in
the late 1970s, when the circulation of Rupert Murdoch’s Thatcher-supporting
Sun overtook that of the ever-Labour Daily Mirror. Working people wanted to
throw off the chains that Karl Marx had claimed were shackling them – and
join the bourgeoisie which he hated. Their analysis of their situation was
essentially correct. The increasing prosperity and freedom of the ensuing 20
years proved them right.



But as we have surveyed the Murdoch scandal of the past fortnight, few could
deny that it has revealed how an international company has bullied and
bought its way to control of party leaderships, police forces and regulatory
processes. David Cameron, escaping skilfully from the tight corner into
which he had got himself, admitted as much. Mr Murdoch himself, like a tired
old Godfather, told the House of Commons media committee on Tuesday that he
was so often courted by prime ministers that he wished they would leave him
alone.



http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/8655106/Im-starting-to-think-that-the-Left-might-actually-be-right.html



On reading this tweet and the article itself, I immediately thought of the
concluding paragraphs of the *SACP Central Committee Discussion Paper *of
September 2009 on the strategic task facing the party where among others it
says;

*"Working class hegemony means the ability of the working class to provide a
consistent strategic leadership (politically, economically, socially,
organisationally, morally - even culturally) to the widest range of social
forces - in particular, to the wide range of middle strata, and in South
African conditions, to many sectors of non-monopoly capital."    *


The correctness of this statement was again strengthened for me by another
article I saw in the *Daily Maverick* (please forgive me for bombarding you
with articles) about capitalism gone wrong!

*Inside Job: The story of capitalism gone wrong, very wrong*



Capitalism is a good thing. It allows the rainmakers to create and take
risks. It allows people in the free world to make a difference by waking up
early, working hard, creating value and hopefully making magic. But
capitalism only works if there's a set of rules, a code of conduct
predicated on commonly agreed principles of right and wrong. When we bend
those rules and pervert capitalism, things get ugly. As they did –
explosively - in 2008. By MANDY DE WAAL and RONNIE APTEKER

  How will the world remember Alan Greenspan? As a financial genius, the
"greatest central banker who ever lived"? Or will history write off
Greenspan as the man responsible for helping create the biggest Ponzi scheme
in living memory?

 In 2006, when Greenspan stepped down as chairman of the US Federal Reserve,
The Economist said he enjoyed "rock star" status and left office with
accolades ringing in his ears. Four years later Greenspan would headline a
documentary called "Inside Job", but this film would be anything but
adoring. "Inside Job" - together with what the world now knows about the
sub-prime crisis - lays a heavy burden of responsibility on Greenspan (and
others) for the global economic crisis.

 "Inside Job" describes a system whereby Greenspan, the US government and
financial institutions in a country best known for free markets and
promoting a free world, played their roles in corrupting the rules of
capitalism. The result was a recession that rippled around the world and
left few untouched.

 In "Inside Job" director Charles Ferguson tells the jaw-dropping story of
how the deregulation of the American financial empire seeded its downfall.
To lead in to this complex narrative of financial collapse, Fergusson tells
the story of Iceland.

 Before the turn of the century, the Atlantic island country enjoyed low tax
rates, was one of the wealthiest and most developed nations in the world,
boasted low rates of unemployment and its government had very little debt.
In 2000 Iceland's government took the decision to deregulate its three
largest banks in what "Inside Job" calls "one of the purest experiments in
financial deregulation ever conducted".

 The result was disastrous. The banks revelled in excess and unchecked
greed. They developed an enormous appetite for risk and went on a borrowing
spree the likes of which had never been seen in Iceland before. In a few
short years Iceland's banking sector collapsed.

 "Finance took over, and more or less wrecked the place," Icelandic
economist Gylfi Zoega says on film. "In a five-year period, these three tiny
banks, which had never operated outside of Iceland, borrowed $120 billion,
10 times the size of Iceland's economy. The bankers showered money on
themselves, each other and their friends. There was a massive bubble. Stock
prices went up by a factor of nine; house prices more than doubled. The
banks set up money market funds. And the banks advised deposit holders to
withdraw money, and put it in the money market funds. The Ponzi scheme
needed everything it could, huh?"

This collapse could have proved an early warning signal for the US, but
policy makers like Greenspan were as blind to Iceland as they were to
America's institutional memory. The Great Depression that lasted four cruel
years, ended in 1933, and only really beaten by the advent on World War II,
appeared to leave no lasting lessons.



The tragedy brought home by watching "Inside Job" is the realisation that
the global financial meltdown that saw millions of ordinary consumers lose
their homes, jobs and savings, was entirely avoidable.

 "It was a completely avoidable crisis; indeed, for 40 years after the
reforms following the Great Depression, the US did not have a single
financial crisis," says Ferguson. "However, the progressive deregulation of
the financial sector since the 1980s gave rise to an increasingly criminal
industry, whose ‘innovations’ have produced a succession of financial
crises.  Each crisis has been worse than the last; and yet, due to the
industry's increasing wealth and power, each crisis has seen few people go
to prison.  In the case of this crisis, nobody has gone to prison, despite
fraud that caused trillions of dollars in losses."



To show how people like Greenspan created an environment that made the
sub-prime crisis possible, Fergusson introduces viewers to 'Reaganomics'.
The Reagan administration thought deregulation was a great idea, and in 1982
the change in economic policy enabled financial companies to use depositor
funds to make risky investments for the first time. In the documentary, TV
journalist and editor of NBC Nightly News Tom Brokaw calls this "the biggest
banking heist in our history”.

 Thousands of financial executives went to jail during this time, one of the
worst culprits being Charles Keating. In the mid-eighties Keating took over
the Lincoln Savings and Loan transforming it from a $1 billion savings, loan
and mortgage business into a $6 billion high-risk investment company.
Elderly depositors were urged to purchase high-risk, uninsured bonds that
became absolutely worthless when Keating's scheme imploded.

 Before his scam unravelled Keating was under investigation and hired an
economist called Alan Greenspan to write to regulators and say he approved
of Keating's investment scheme. Greenspan got $40,000 for his services. When
the flawed scheme went belly up Keating went to jail, but Greenspan was
rewarded by being taken into government under Reagan's wing.

 Greenspan was a renowned free market fundamentalist and the deregulation
process he was involved with under Reagan endured through to Clinton and
Bush. "Inside Job" shows that Greenspan so avidly supported deregulation
that it would blind him to the law. "Inside Job" says Greenspan even ignored
banking mergers that "violated laws passed after the Great Depression, which
prevented banks with consumer deposits from engaging in risky investment
banking activities."

 In an unregulated market Greenspan and his cohorts believed that banks and
other financial institutions would do the right thing by "self-regulating".
Reality proved them wrong. The sub-prime vehicle was created by deregulated
banks, and mushroomed from a $30 billion-a-year industry to more than $600
billion a year in just a decade, creating the world's biggest Ponzi scheme.
Financial institutions did anything but "self-regulate" - they luxuriated in
greed and excess.

 Warning bells sounded loudly about the same time that Greenspan stepped
down. Shortly afterwards the market for complex derivatives collapsed, and
banks were left with billion-dollar loans that couldn't be unloaded. Global
investment giant Bear Stearns ran out of money and was bought for next to
nothing by JP Morgan Chase, while home loans leviathans Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac had to be taken over by the government. When Lehman Bros ran out
of cash and went belly up in September 2008, the writing was on the wall.

 As blood flowed on Wall Street, the owners and leadership of financial
institutions walked away from the crisis with their personal funds
relatively untouched. Ordinary folk like pensioners were completely wiped
out and left destitute. Government bailouts arrived and as they did banking
leaders awarded themselves bonuses and flew themselves off to luxury spas to
deal with the “stress”.

 The US government would appoint a Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission whose
final report would blame deregulation for the crisis. Time magazine pointed
its finger directly at Greenspan who would refuse to accept blame, but would
go as far as to say that his faith in deregulation had been "shaken".

 "Inside Job" won the 2011 Academy Award for best documentary and Ferguson
would use his acceptance speech to lambast Wall Street and the financial
industry. "Forgive me, I must start by pointing out that three years after
our horrific financial crisis caused by financial fraud, not a single
financial executive has gone to jail, and that's wrong," Ferguson said to an
audience that burst into applause.

 Perhaps the audience applauded because they understood the truism that
money made by hard work and risk taking should always be celebrated. But
money made by exploiting legal loopholes is a tragedy that demands
accountability. If a repeat of this sub-prime debacle is to be avoided it
means that the greedy and corrupt must be brought to justice.

 What "Inside Job" shows is that the art of hedging funds is not an act of
industrial creation or generating real business value. It is simply about
the manipulation of numbers, and the exploitation of loopholes. If the
world's hedge fund managers disappeared tomorrow, would anybody care? There
is value in financial consultants and money managers, but when money
managers create events that leave them with millions of dollars in their
personal accounts and those they were meant to be looking after are
destitute, what is there to celebrate?

 The disaster we've all been left with is a system that hasn't altered
despite the sub-prime crises and subsequent global financial meltdown. No
one has taken accountability, no one was punished and the fat-cat culture of
taking without making or creating real value has not stopped. The real
kicker is that the fat cats who accumulated so much money took no risk!
Their real skill is in perverting capitalism and destroying trust.

 Anyone can make a big profit in the short term with twisted accounting
practices. This leads to the seduction of massive bonuses based on phantom
profits in an unsustainable business system that's just begging ultimately
to collapse. Regulations can serve to protect and as America clearly showed
the world, deregulated financial markets failed because greed got the better
of everyone. The question these days is not if, but when will the next
crisis hit? DM [DailyMaverick]





http://www.thedailymaverick.co.za/article/2011-07-18-inside-job-the-story-of-capitalism-gone-wrong-very-wrong


Am I being overly optimistic or naive to think that maybe, just maybe it is
beginning to dawn on some capitalist adherents and believers that, as the CC
discussion paper says *"There are no solutions within capitalism for these
crises of capitalism.  The crises are not the result of the failure of
capitalism, but of its very successes!  The crises are not "abnormal", they
are systemic and inevitable ...as long as we remain imprisoned within a
capitalist system."*



-- 
Mthimkulu Mashiya

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