economic freedom is not an overnite thing,stop feeding youth with corrupt info.only interests of the previlged indeviduals will be championed at the cost of the nation.
On 3/1/12, [email protected] <[email protected]> wrote: > The condition of electing leadership in the ANC of 1912 is the document that > is called..Through the eye of the Needle nothing else...Nationalisation is > just a policy proposal is not a yardstick of measuring leadership > election.The ANC is very much sober comrader,u must always remember > that.Amandla Phillip > Sent via my BlackBerry from Vodacom - let your email find you! > > -----Original Message----- > From: Ndinisa Maviyo <[email protected]> > Sender: [email protected] > Date: Thu, 1 Mar 2012 12:53:19 > To: tom<[email protected]>; felix mabaso<[email protected]>; > mapetla<[email protected]>; MPHO<[email protected]>; Muzi L > Ngwenya<[email protected]>; vusi nkambule<[email protected]>; > <[email protected]>; SIPHO<[email protected]>; > NYAMBI<[email protected]>; SBARA<[email protected]>; > sydney driekopies<[email protected]>; Parties > Nyatsumba<[email protected]>; <[email protected]>; > kanego<[email protected]>; ycl<[email protected]>; > BHOBERT<[email protected]> > Reply-To: [email protected] > Subject: [YCLSA Discussion] FORWARD TO ECONOMICAL TRANSFORMATION > > NATIONALISATION AS A CONDITION FOR THE ANC 2012 ELECTIVE CONGRESS > INTRODUCTION > The ANCYL has proposed a change in the economical policy of the country as > they called it economic freedom in our life time. The ANCYL has kept the > whole country talking about the future of this country; the issue is in the > heart of the majority of the population of this country which is the youth. > The youth of this country like in other African countries are affected by > unemployment; lack of skills; HIV AIDS and poverty especially the African > youth in particular. > We need to clarify this matter of nationalisation by looking back as > Ufasimba to say what has been our contribution up to date in the whole > debate for nationalisation. Since the re-establishment of the YCL we have > been advocating the change in property relation in South Africa from the > white minority to the black majority and nationalisation and the > expropriation of land has been part of our discussions; in 2008 national > general council of the YCL we discussed the matter and we said that > nationalisation of all the commanding heights of the economy must happen > these includes the mines, the banks, Sasol and the metal steel. We said > nationalisation by expropriation is the way to go; we further said the > property clause in our constitution hinders transformation and the transfere > of the economy from the white minority to the black majority. > Nationalisation has a historical place in our movement and I will just > reflect on some discussion about nationalisation within our broad movement. > in 1990 the ANC presented a document Ready to Govern a ANC POLICY > GUIDELINES FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOUTH AFRICA . On the issue of economy and land > it said: > > In the context of the growth and development strategy, the role of the state > should be adjusted to the needs of the national economy in a flexible way. > The primary question in this regard is not the legal form that state > involvement in economic activity might take at any point, but whether such > actions will strengthen the ability of the economy to respond to the massive > inequalities in the country, relieve the material hardship of the majority > of the people, and stimulate economic growth and competitiveness. > In this context, the balance of the evidence will guide the decision for or > against various economic-policy measures. Such flexibility means assessing > the balance of the evidence in restructuring the public sector to carry out > national goals. The democratic state will therefore consider: > > Increasing the public sector in strategic areas through, for example, > nationalisation, purchasing a shareholding in companies, establishing new > public corporations or joint ventures with the private sector; > Reducing the public sector in certain areas in ways that will enhance > efficiency, advance affirmative action and empower the historically > disadvantaged, while ensuring the protection of both consumers and the > rights and employment of workers. > > Redistribution of land > The present pattern of land ownership which is the direct result of > apartheid laws must be fundamentally changed to address landlessness and > land hunger. The programme of redistribution of agricultural land must be > accompanied by measures which will ensure that the land will be productively > used. These must include the provision of adequate infrastructure as well as > training and appropriate extension work. > The state will play a key role in the acquisition and allocation of land and > should therefore have the power to acquire land in a variety of ways, > including expropriation in accordance with the provisions set out in the > Bill of Rights. In addition, the state will use policy instruments, such as > land taxes which, if correctly applied, could have the effect of land being > freed for redistribution. The Subdivision of Agricultural Land Act of 1970 > must be reviewed in order to make land available to small farmers. However, > measures must be taken to prevent land speculation. > Immediate attention shall be given to legislation imposing a ceiling on > landownership and multiple ownership of farms, as in the case where one > owner has many farms. > Provision shall be made for the restoration of land rights and land to > victims of forced removal. > Vacant, unused and under-utilised state land suitable for residential and > agricultural purposes shall be made available for redistribution. > Other land to be made available for redistribution in the towns, countryside > and bantustans should include: > > Land held for speculation; > Underutilised land or unused land with a productive potential; > Land which is being degraded; > Hopelessly indebted land. > In addition, land acquired through nepotism and corruption will also be > available for redistribution. Persons who have benefitted from corrupt and > illegal transfers of land and interests in land, or from corrupt and illegal > investment in, or development of land, shall be required to account for such > benefits and make appropriate restitution. > The state shall have the right to acquire land, bearing in mind that it is a > fundamental social resource, to be made available to those most in need. > The 12th congress of the SACP said: 1. The South African economy, > notwithstanding important changes, preserves the > systemic features of its formation and consolidation within a colonial and > special > colonial framework, with the following features: > a) Ownership and control of the commanding heights of the economy are still > in > the hands of private monopoly capital. > b) It is based on a dependent capitalist accumulation path which relies > heavily on > primary product exports, particularly from mining and agriculture, and it is > excessively dependent on imports of capital goods and many commodities. > c) For this reason growth and development is exceedingly vulnerable to > global > fluctuations, especially movements in commodity prices. > d) Infrastructure, energy and water policies were historically designed to > support > the mining sector, and these features continue to skew our economy. > e) The minerals, energy and finance complex continues to dominate the South > African economy. Small and medium capital remains extremely weak, while > the manufacturing sector has also tended to be weak. > f) Historically, CST was reliant on a mass of cheap migrant labour for the > mines, > predominantly African males from reserves/Bantustans in South Africa and > from other parts of southern Africa. > g) The spatial inequalities created by apartheid capitalism are still intact > and > have often been worsened by the infrastructural investment patterns > characteristic of our present growth path. > 2. To campaign for and ensure the re-nationalization of companies in > strategic sectors > such SASOL and Mittal Steel with an ultimate aim of nationalizing and > socializing the > commanding heights of the economy in line with the vision of the Freedom > Charter. > 3. To call for improved beneficiation of minerals and measures to regulate > and > stimulate the fabrication of raw materials into finished and semi-finished > products > 1. The ANC 52nd conference noted some frustration on the issue land and > economy so therefore the conference said: We have only succeeded in > redistributing 4% of agricultural land since 1994, while more than 80% of > agricultural land remains in the hands of fewer than 50,000 white farmers > and agribusinesses. The willing-seller, willing-buyer approach to land > acquisition has constrained the pace and efficacy of land reform. It is > clear from our experience, that the market is unable to effectively alter > the patterns of land ownership in favour of an equitable and efficient > distribution of land. Therefore resolves that: Where necessary, expropriate > property in the public interest or for public purpose in accordance with the > Constitution to achieve equity, redress, social justice and sustainable > development. All legislation pertaining to expropriation must be aligned > with the Constitution. > On the 26 February 2011, Vlakfontein Colliery, Ogies Mpumalanga the > president of the republic of South Africa launched the African Exploration > Mining and Finance Company as the official State-Owned Mining Company > The above historical events clearly demonstrate that the issue of land and > economy has been and is still forming part of our discussion within the > liberation movement and the MDM especially the issue of nationalisation and > the expropriation of land therefore the ANCYL has brought back a historic > discussion to our society. > WHAT SHOULD BE OUR ATTITUDE? > The abolition of private property is therefore the complete emancipation of > all human senses and qualities and this is according to Marx. The duty of > the communist party is to build consciousness to the working class. On > engagement with comrades on nationalisation it becomes an emotional matter > which usually obscures the importance of the discussion; some are saying we > cannot nationalise under capitalism and others are saying it is necessary > for the redistribution of wealth from the white minority to the black > majority. We said the national democratic revolution is the direct route to > socialism as we have rejected the notion of the two phases of the NDR as has > been claimed by others that we going to have a capitalist revolution (BEE) > lead by the ANC and a socialist revolution lead by the communist party. If > we believe that the route to socialism is through the NDR therefore we need > to engage in a struggle to change the private property in this country; > and we need to build consciousness to the working class and the poor about > nationalisation about its meaning and its impact because failure to do that > the poor will never differentiate between a nationalist bourgeoisie > nationalisation and the socialist nationalisation. > The ANC as the leader of the alliance believe in a developmental state which > intervenes in the economy of the country to ensure that the redistribution > of wealth reaches the previously disadvantaged in our society especially the > blacks and the Africans in particular. The 52nd conference of the ANC > proposed changes in the way the issue of land and economy must be addressed > in order to deliver to our commitment for land redistribution and the > redistribution of wealth in order to realise a better life for all. Some of > the proposal by the revolutionary movement includes: the formation of the > state mining company; the state bank and the change in the ownership of the > reserve bank and the land redistribution. The said resolutions have an > expression and the desire for nationalisation and the expropriation of the > land; the concept of nationalisation and state intervention may be viewed as > different but have the same intentions which are the redistribution of > wealth. The state mining company will do the mining business on behalf of > the state; the state will use the revenue to address the inequalities of our > society; poverty; and unemployment. The state ownership (intervention) can > be viewed in other quarters as a diplomatic and a reformist concept for > nationalisation which has been used by the developing countries who does not > want to be victims of the large economies because nationalisation is viewed > as a communist / socialist concept. Nationalisation and state intervention > (ownership) can mean the same thing; where by nationalisation is associated > with radicalism. Both can be progressive if there is a correct class content > in its intentions and it can be reactionary; promoting state capitalism and > only benefitting the ruling class than the working class. Some comrade are > advocating two phases of approach to achieve economical freedom in our life > time, the first phase must be a skill revolution supported by > the higher education system in the form of FET’S producing artisans, > reopening of colleges , SETAS to develop and enhance skills and finally the > university to produce competitive intellectuals. The second phase will be to > fight for ownership lead by highly skilled society and working class. As > communist we have learnt the danger of using dialectics at the expense of > materialism therefore the above assertion will be costly in the long run, it > is like agreeing to the notion of two stage theory of the national > democratic revolution. The two phases will be costly and might end up with > unintended consequences: firstly the skill revolution needs money, therefore > it will need a state which is having financial masses but all in all a state > which can able to declare a free and compulsory education up to the junior > degree, skill certificate or diploma. Under current mode of funding and the > independence of our institution, it is difficult to achieve any skill > revolution under the current arrangement. Let say the state is able to take > radical decision in terms of education and is able to advance the skill > revolution, the state will produce highly skilled workers but the economy > might not absorb them because the commanding heights of the economy are not > controlled by the state. The failure of the economy to absorb the graduates > into the main stream and to full employment might discourage the people to > be part of the programme; the unintended consequences will be for South > Africa finds itself producing highly skilled criminals whom instead of > applying their skill effectively and contribute to the development of the > country might find themselves working for the mafia or being mafias because > cannot find employment; it is a typical case of Nigeria. The skill > revolution and the fight for economical freedom must be divorced from each > other, it must be a process linked to each other because to run the economy > people > need skill to manage the industries and a highly skilled and competitive > workers and they need full employment. Only a state owned or controlled > economy can able to fund the skill revolution and absorb its product > (graduates) to the main stream economy. > Looking from the above historical discussions about the land and the economy > you can agree with me that the ANCYL did not bring anything new in terms of > content except the innovative way in the topic economical freedom in our > lifetime and the radicalism. In its quest to change the property relation > the league started an anti-imperialist war; without building consciousness > to its members, in order to understand Imperialism. Wars against those who > had a different view within and outside the movement; vowed not support > anyone who does not support their programme; nationalisation and the > generational mix. > > > > > > > > THE GENERATIONAL MIX > In its first national general council the league took a special resolution > to support its former leaders in 2012 ANC elective conference in order to > achieve their goal of economical freedom in our lifetime. The issue of > generational mix needs to be put into context; the ANC in its 99 years of > existence has had different generation in its leadership. The current > leadership is having different generations who lead the ANCYL in their time > and are now leaders of the ANC in their own rights. Therefore generational > mix and seniority in the movement has always been part of its norms and > culture, it has been a natural phenomenon within our liberation movement at > large. Is this a special generational mix? Is it for the organisation or for > an individual? Are we going to afford to take special resolutions for every > individual leader? Taking from David Masondo”s intervention on > nationalisation of mines: he said:” we should also not criminalize comrades > for > stating their leadership preferences. The ANCYL is correct in putting a > programme and then agitate for leadership that should lead the > implementation of the program, including nationalization of the mines. That > is, > As a matter of principle, it is correct to put the programme before > leadership. This is consistent > With how we should be electing leadership in our movement. Unfortunately, in > this particular > Instance, it does seem to be untrue that some leaders who are targets for > ousting in the ANC > 2012 conference are opposed to the nationalization of the mines. > Interestingly, we do not even > Know what the views of those who have been guaranteed positions in the ANC > leadership are on > nationalization of the mines. This then leaves us to wonder why this is so.” > On the 04th /08/11 the former president of the ANCYL and the minister of > sports and recreation cde Fikile Mbalula presented at the political seminar > on nationalisation in his speech he was not bold and radical in support of > nationalisation, therefore it leaves a question on whether are we going to > nationalise the mines under his leadership by 2013? In our province in > particular we know that the ANCYL did not support its former leaders > especially the contest between the current chairperson of the ANC in the > province and the former mayor of Mbombela local municipality therefore what > is generational mix? > As the ANC in the province is going to its congress, we are still waiting > for the ANCYL in Mpumalanga to pronounce itself on the leadership and is a > wait and see if the ANCYL is going to defend their former leaders in the > likes of the provincial secretary, the former mayor of Mbombela and the > current MEC for local government. > > > > > > > > > > > WHAT ARE THE CONTRADICTIONS IN OUR QUEST FOR ECONOMIC FREEDOM IN OUR LIFE > TIME? > The bad thing is that the agenda for economic freedom in our life time has > been linked with Mangaung elective conference of the ANC and it has obscured > the whole debate about advancing the economic transformation of our country, > it was characterised by insults and anger which lead to irrational thinking > and grand standing from participants in front of the media. The choice of > leadership to lead the programme as it is considered to be in favour of the > working class and the poor is dubious, but there was all out attack to the > leadership of the working class especially against the current the general > secretary of the ANC, what a contradiction? The favoured candidate never > pronounced himself in favour of nationalisation and in the history of the > ANCYL he never pronounced in the politics of the left, including the late > former president Peter Mokaba up to his last moment of his life never agreed > to the politics of the left. What a contradiction in > the choice of candidate to lead the programme including bringing the spirit > of Peter Mokaba to a programme of nationalisation which he never been in > favour. The left opted for a selective nationalisation too, the ANCYL about > mines, the SACP about SASOL and Mittal steel and the only answer I got from > most of the comrades who disagree with the proposal of the ANCYL is that it > is not the good time or moment to nationalise mines, the price of Gold, and > the general performance of mines in the world market, what a contradiction > in terms of the struggle to change property relation in South Africa because > the market economy of speculation and supply and demand is capitalist > orientated and will never address real economic and social issues affecting > the working class but it is designed to promote profit and accumulation. > Further more on the issue of the Mittal steel and Sasol some comrades are > saying by using dialectics on these two strategic components of the > commanding height of the economy it is proper to nationalise the Mittal > steel as the country is engage on infrastructure development and will need > steel for the massive construction and in return the government will need > petrol to transport the steel all over the country but there is some > contradiction in this notion, or approach of nationalisation, I think there > is the use of dialectics at the expense of materialism firstly if we > nationalise steel, I agree the need for steel has been identified, and need > for petrol has been identified but the origin of the ingredient of these > products was not considered steel is made out of iron ore which is mined > from the ground. Sasol's primary business is based on CTL (coal-to-liquid) > and GTL (gas-to-liquid) technology and this differentiates it from other > petrochemical companies. CTL and GTL plants convert coal and natural gas > respectively into liquid fuels. Sasol's early experience was in South > Africa. Therefore > to nationalize Sasol and Mittal steel without having access and ownership > of the raw material will results to a failure of these companies, and the > capitalist can easily frustrate it. In today business the only successful > companies are those who have competitive edge in terms of the raw material, > production and distribution for an example the SAB. Mining is the basic > core of business for Sasol and the steel industry therefore nationalization > of mines is the corner stone for nationalizing Sasol and Mittal steel. > > > > > > > > > > > > Price of Gold per Ounce (in USD) > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > Price of Platinum per Ounce (in USD) > Global Steel Export Pricing > > > The above graphs shows the performance of Gold, Platinum and Steel in the > last five years, the 1st graph is the Gold price in the last five years > since 2006 to 2011 the performance of Gold in the market was steady > increasing even during the recession Gold performance was impressive. The > 2nd graph shows the performance of platinum from 2007 to 2011, between 2007 > to 2008 there was a sharp increase in the price of platinum and a sharp > decline in 2008; from 2009 to 2011 there was a steady increase in the price > of platinum even during the recession the price of platinum did not decline > or increase it maintained its performance. The 3rd graph represents the > performance of steel since 1981 to 2008,between 1981 to 2003 steel was under > performing its price was flat and started to improve from 2004 to 2008 with > a sign of decline from 2008. The conclusion of the three graphs gives us a > clear picture of comparisons between Gold, Platinum and steel which gives us > a > conclusion that mining is still an important component or a back bone of > our economy. Its performance gives confidence that if nationalisation can be > carried correctly we can still make profit to pay for education and skill > development in order to full fills the wishes of all South African. > > > The price of gold and other minerals has steadily increasing or stable in > the world market especially with the recent development in the Asian region > where the precious stones has become part of the investment portfolio for > the emerging middle class and the ruling class. > In conclusion the people of South Africa are ready to be lead in order to > decide which economic path they have to take, they need a leadership which > will build consciousness to the masses in order to realise their total > independence, democracy alone without any economical emancipation will be > meaningless for the majority of our masses because poverty and unemployment > is a daily dehumanisation of the people. Capitalism is in crises therefore > an alternative is needed. The majority of young people who participated in > the march for economical freedom went there innocently because they want to > change their material condition and to forget about their individual > problems of poverty and to come seek solidarity from those who seem to > represent their real world and who seek to change it. > Let us hope that after Mangaung all of us will be sober and able to discuss > these important issues not only to us but to the whole nation and give > answers to the demands of the young people of South Africa. > MAVIYO NDINISA > > -- > You are subscribed. This footer can help you. > Please POST your comments to [email protected] or reply to > this message. > You can visit the group WEB SITE at > http://groups.google.com/group/yclsa-eom-forum for different delivery > options, pages, files and membership. > To UNSUBSCRIBE, please email [email protected] . > You don't have to put anything in the "Subject:" field. 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