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  *Umsebenzi Online, Volume 12, No. 14, 18 April 2013*

*In this Issue:*

   - Just how civil is civil society?<http://www.sacp.org.za/main.php?ID=3947>



*Red Alert*:

Just how civil is civil society?

*By Jeremy Cronin, SACP 1**st** Deputy General Secretary*

Last month, Mark Heywood posted an intriguing intervention on the *Daily
Maverick* web-site ("The state we're in: the Good, the Bad and the Ugly" -
www.dailymaverick.co.za). Notwithstanding a nasty gibe at the SACP -
Heywood's intervention deserves a constructive and, hopefully, comradely
response.

Heywood is currently executive director of the social justice NGO, Section
27. He is best known, however, as a leader, spokesperson and activist in
the Treatment Action Campaign. The TAC played an exemplary role in
mobilising ordinary South Africans in opposition to the appalling
AIDS-denialism of the Mbeki administration. The TAC was not alone in this
campaign. There was strong, if largely below-the-radar, support from some
within government - at least two ANC premiers quietly defied the dominant
denialist line in their respective provinces by rolling out
anti-retrovirals. SACP leaders were castigated by President Mbeki for
publicly attacking his denialist perspective. COSATU and its affiliates
were especially outspoken. However, it's important to salute the leading
public role that the TAC often played in what was one of the most important
post-1994 mass struggles.

Since the 2009 elections, under the direction of a capable ANC minister of
health, the focus of the TAC campaign for the roll-out of comprehensive ARV
treatment has been largely won. There has been a dramatic improvement in
SA's life-expectancy statistics, and in the reduction of mother-to-child
infections. With the key objective of the treatment campaign largely
accomplished, several leading TAC activists have branched out, seeking to
replicate the NGO-led, rights-based campaigning model of the TAC in other
sectors. What has been the track-record of this branching out?

"*It is regrettable that civil society activism has had to focus on bad
government*", Heywood tells us in his *Daily Maverick*intervention. "*We
readily admit that this may have led to a distorted picture of who and what
corrupts our society… unfortunately - because civil society is forced to
focus on bad government - corporate criminals, environmental polluters, tax
evaders, labour robbers have a diversion that allows them to get away
scot-free. They must laugh all the way to their Swiss banks.*"

This is a welcome admission. However, instead of thinking through the
implications of this realisation, Heywood takes an easy route out. Yes, all
these corporate criminals have benefited from "civil society's" narrow
anti-government campaigning focus - but, he writes, "that's not our fault".
"We HAD to focus" on bad government, "civil society IS FORCED to focus on
bad government".

Why? What compels progressive formations like Section 27 to focus
exclusively on "bad government"? Is it because government is especially
bad? Not so, Heywood assures us. "*Bad business is certainly as malign as
bad government…bad business is as organised and conspiratorial as bad
government.*"

So why the one-sidedness? No doubt it's partly because at least government
has constitutionally mandated public responsibilities to its citizens and,
therefore, NGO formations like Section27 have campaigning leverage by
resorting to the Constitution and the courts. That's fair enough, but is it
good enough?

Certainly one wishes all power to campaigners who expose wrong-doing in
government, including by resorting to the courts. But we cannot radically
deal with public sector wrong-doing without understanding the inter-face
between the state apparatus and class forces at work within so-called
"civil society". Let's remember that all of those "*corporate criminals,
environmental polluters, tax evaders, [and] labour robbers" *cited by
Heywood, along with private sector funders of NGOs, are themselves part of
"civil society". It would be entirely unfair to suggest that "civil
society" funding of NGOs is the reason why Heywood's "civil society"
activism is "forced" to focus on government. What is certainly true,
however, is that the evasions in Heywood's intervention have much to do
with the self-attributed notion of NGOs like Section27 belonging to this
indiscriminate notion of a "civil society".

Back in October 2010, when the SACP raised concerns around the
COSATU-convened "Civil Society Conference", these concerns were
misunderstood by some, and deliberately distorted by others. We welcomed (I
repeat, WELCOMED) COSATU's initiative in reaching out to a range of
progressive social movements and NGOs (including Section27 and TAC) to plan
mobilisation around the scourge of corruption, amongst other things. We
were, however, mildly surprised that COSATU had excluded its alliance
partners (the ANC and SACP) from this conference – particularly as the SACP
had already been actively campaigning (with COSATU) in a Red Card
anti-corruption campaign. That was a mild irritation, we were more puzzled,
however, with the explanation provided by a COSATU leader who told the *Sunday
Times*: *"We kept the gathering CLEAN and did not involve political
parties."* (31 October 2010).

This was an unfortunate metaphor that, in our view, reflected the embedded
assumption of an innocent zone of "freely contracting individuals" ("civil
society") versus "the necessary evil" of government/politicians, inherently
predatory and always on the brink of being corrupted absolutely.

In his intervention Heywood conceded that "*in** the corridors of
government, the boardrooms of business, the halls where trade unionists
meet" *there are both good and bad people. This is, at least, a partial
step forward*.* "Clean" and "dirty" are not neatly compartmentalised into
"civil society", on the one hand, and the "state", on the other. But if
this concession marks some progress, it is progress into banality.

An approach that sets itself up on the basis of "good and bad people in all
walks of life" really doesn't get us very far. Was the Limpopo text-book
fiasco just a question of bad apples? Or is there something wrong with the
barrel itself? Was the textbook saga a passing episode? Or is it embedded
in systemic features of our post-1994 society? For instance, what has been
the impact of the incorporation in 1994 of nearly 650,000 former Bantustan
functionaries into our civil service? How has this largely unremarked
"sunset clause" legacy (concealed behind the legitimate objective of fairer
demographic representivity) intersected with the ill-advised neo-liberal
corporatisation, de-professionalising, fragmentation and tenderisation of
the public sector? How have "black economic empowerment" policies been
cynically appropriated by incumbent white (and not a few foreign)
capitalists in order to ensure privileged channels of access into the new
political reality? And how have the same BEE policies legitimised the
parasitic predation of public resources for the purposes of personal
primitive accumulation by aspirant black capitalists?

These are the kinds of issues that the SACP would like to take forward both
in comradely discussion and in active struggle with our allies and with
progressive social formations, NGOs, and local communities.

I don't want the insistence on understanding the systemic features of our
challenges to be misunderstood. Individual morality matters. Personal
responsibility for what we do, or fail to do, is crucial. Systemic
realities are not an excuse for bad individual behaviour. Chronically
under-performing politicians should be fired. Corrupt public officials and
their corrupters should be exposed and criminally charged. Faction-ridden
provincial or youth leadership structures may need to be disbanded. Remove
the bad apples from the barrel, by all means. But if we don't, at the same
time, address the systemic realities that underpin corruption (for
instance), then firing, disciplining, disbanding, and repeated bouts of
political education will prove to be endlessly recycled, but ultimately
futile, cleansing rituals.
* * *



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