Issue 16, Vol 10: 19 September 2013

In this issue:

The DA's brand of 'Non - white' leaders in Post-Apartheid South Africa
The DA's brand of 'Non - white' leaders in Post-Apartheid South Africa

By Yershen Pillay

On the 12th September 2013 historians reminded us of the tragic death of Steve 
Bantu Biko by the brutal Apartheid regime in 1977. Perhaps it is important to 
reflect on some of his observations back then and take note of similar 
observations today. One such observation is the existence of "non-whites" and 
the distinction between 'blacks' and 'non - whites.' Such a profound 
distinction was made by Biko in a paper produced for the South African 
Students' Organization in 1971. It is in this very paper where Biko argues that 
the term black is not necessarily all inclusive and that "the fact we are all 
not white does not necessarily mean that we are all black." (Biko, 1971) He 
argues that "being black is not a matter of pigmentation - being black is a 
reflection of a mental attitude." (Biko, 1971) Biko goes further to argue that 
if one aspires to be white but because of the colour of their skin attainment 
of this is impossible, then that person is not 'black' but 'non-white.' The 
question one must ask today is how he knew it to be true when he said that 
"Non-whites do exist and will continue to exist and will continue to exist for 
quite a long time." (Biko, 1971)

When one observes the utterances and aspirations of some in society today such 
as the DA's very own Mbali Ntuli for example, it comes as no surprise that 
indeed Steve Biko was right to make the distinction between 'blacks' and 
'non-whites.' In fact one would go as far as to argue that most of the DA's so 
called 'black' leaders can better be described as 'non - whites' according to 
Biko's definition of the term 'black.' I have no doubt that someone like Mbali 
Ntuli would have served the Apartheid regime with the utmost pride believing as 
Biko would argue that only 'non-whites' can govern, become economists or 
engineers and we 'blacks' are bound to nothing more than perpetual servitude. 
Political parties such as the DA have attracted and even developed a cohort of 
'non-white' leaders in the likes of Musi Maimane, Mbali Ntuli and Lindiwe 
Mazibuko to name but a few. The inability of Maimane for example to explain the 
DA's position on Black Economic Empowerment and whether he is for or against it 
is exactly because of the term 'black' in Black Economic Empowerment that 
Maimane simply cannot relate to as a 'non-white' himself. In fact he openly 
distanced himself from the use of the term 'black' in BEE policy on a recent 
radio interview. This symbolizes an implicit sin embroiled in being 'black' for 
those who choose to be 'non-white' instead.

I laughed with disgust when another DA 'non-white' leader in Mbali Ntuli 
criticized senior managers of the NYDA for receiving bonuses during the last 
financial year. At first I accepted it as the remarks of an angry young woman 
but then Biko's observations came to mind to describe such attacks. For a 'non 
- white' leader like Mbali Ntuli it is not possible for a 'black' person to 
receive such a large sum of money even if they do deserve it. This is exactly 
why the first and only newspapers to extensively cover her attacks on black 
senior managers at the NYDA were the Afrikaans newspapers of the Beeld, Burger, 
and Volksblad only because they share her sentiments. It never crossed her mind 
that perhaps these proud 'black' senior managers who are technocrats and not 
politicians actually fulfilled all the individual performance requirements to 
justify their individual performance bonuses. For it simply can't be possible 
for a 'black' man or woman to receive such glory and recognition. As Biko would 
argue, for 'whites' and 'non-whites' there is a need to create and sustain a 
social distance from the 'blacks' who are not intelligent nor capable enough to 
be leaders or professionals in their own right. Hence the consistent attacks on 
'black' leaders by the new breed of 'non-white' leaders working together with 
white monopoly capital. For these 'non-whites' the only way to be considered as 
'good enough' is to be associated with 'whites', their culture, their values, 
their education, their traditions and their outlook to life.

Another attribute of being 'non-white' is a fixation on reforming the system 
and working within it rather than transforming it. Biko argues that 'blacks' 
are more concerned with transforming the system 'to make of it what they wish." 
However the proposals by leading 'non-white' figures in the DA indicates a 
deliberate attempt to work within the system by introducing a youth wage 
subsidy and reforms on BEE for example. Their current attitude to reform BEE in 
order to make it a 'better fit' for a capitalist economy and for 'better 
control' by white monopoly capital is an example of 'non-white' thinking to 
make the system more 'normal' and 'acceptable' to white monopoly capital.

Perhaps a history lesson by Biko would inform and educate Ms. Ntuli and the 
rest that in fact we are all oppressed by the same system albeit at varying 
degrees. That most important is the commitment to a better, more prosperous 
society progressively liberating itself from the bondages of Imperialism. 
Unfortunately such commitment can only be expected from white and black 
revolutionaries who would be willing to sacrifice their lives for the greater 
good. Such revolutionaries can only be found in revolutionary parties. Perhaps 
this is the reason we have parties like the DA to cater for those 'whites' and 
'non-whites' who have sold their souls to a society of others and not of their 
own.

Aluta Continua

Yershen Pillay
YCL National Chairperson


Sent from my iPhone

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