3rd Instalment of 4 on the SACP's "Organisational Renewal" discussion
document

 

 

'Towards an Organisational Review and Renewal Process':

 

Commentary in number order:

 

Clauses 11 to 20, of 35

 

D. Tweedie, 19 May 2015

 

 

11.   This clause is about the communist party at branch level taking on
direct community tasks. In practice, this amounts to undermining the mass
democratic structures that are supposed to perform these tasks. By
substituting the party for the mass democratic organisations of the people,
the party would actually be proposing the substitution of the party's will
for the people's will. This is exactly what the communist party must not do.
Power to the people is the communist way, not power to the party.

 

12.   "Develop mechanism and set basic standards and requirements for Party
building"

This clause represents the communist party as if it was a holy order of the
church, with vertical command and task-setting, like the Jesuit order. In
fact, the communist party is not a Society of Jesus, or a Society of Karl
Marx, but it is a society of leaders. It should, and it does, recruit
existing leaders, supporting them, and not bleeding them, burdening them or
taxing them. The people who wrote this clause have no idea of all this. They
think that the communist party can direct the work of working class leaders,
but it cannot. This mistake is an indicator of serious amateurism. The
communist party has no "handlers" for managing other party members. Those
who imagine this to be the case are in a realm of delusion.

 

Early in his or her party life the typical party member who is a leader, for
example a shop steward, must learn that there is no-one in the party who can
better say what he or she is to do. No-one has the time for that, and no-one
has a better knowledge than the party member in question. Hence it becomes
necessary to develop oneself as a cadre - meaning a communist who is able to
make decisions without direction, because this is the normal, and
practically-speaking the invariable situation. The idea of "tasking" is
completely misplaced. In corresponds to an amateur, imaginary version of the
life of a communist. No-one in the party can successfully order the young
leader what to do. Likewise, at the level, say, of a general secretary of a
union, the general secretary of the party cannot order that person what to
do, not practically, in reality, nor in term the rules of the party (Rule
6.5 of the SACP Constitution, to be precise). What the party gives to cadres
is fellowship and education, so as to reinforce their ability to act, as
they must, as leaders not under the thumb of the party, but under the
discipline of the people's democracy.

 

13.   "Raising the bar of service to the people."

This clause is another sermon, more appropriate to the Boy Scouts or the
Girl Guides, or church and charity. This kind of thing drives communists
away.

 

14.   "Require values of being a good servant of the people."

This is more of the same sermonising like clause 13, but to a more excited
and ecstatic degree. It says "The articulation of the values is the most
important one we need to deal with." These are words of religion, not
communism. It is embarrassing to have this kind of material in a communist
document.

 

15.   "Task of newly recruited members."

This clause is a lamentation about political education and induction. This
is a good moment to remind comrades that the South African Road to Socialism
(SARS), which the organisational renewal document refers to as if it is a
gospel, set up a top-to-bottom scheme of political education that has never
been put into practice, not even by the Central Committee itself. SARS is a
dead letter in this regard, and perhaps it is a dead letter altogether. This
kind of writing is only a claim of superiority on behalf of the writers,
when there is no such superiority in fact. It is in this clause that the
scandalous allegation is made that party members are "memorising this or
that Communist literature" - something that is unknown to people who are
actually engaged in political education. This is more evidence that the
whole organisational renewal document is a thought-experiment, not written
by serious or by experienced communists. 

 

16.   "The SACP and the Youth in general."

This clause is a long quotation from the proceedings of the ANC's Kabwe
Conference. 

 

17.   "The SACP and Young Communist League."

This very long clause is actually redundant. All it says is that the
existing understanding is what should constitute renewal; in other words: no
renewal, just apply the status quo and call it renewal, or "streamlining".

 

18.   "The alliance with the ANC and COSATU."

Here, the alliance that is the condition for the NDR is described, not as a
class alliance, popular front, or unity-in-action, but as an alliance of
structures. It proceeds to say that "the point of departure must aIways be
to build the SACP as a strong, Independent vanguard Party of the working
class. This attribute is fundamental for the Party if it were to achieve its
programme of building working class hegemony and providing communist
leadership in all key sites of struggle and power including those
alliances."

 

This is a fully confused statement from which it is almost impossible to
recreate the actual class realities or the proper relationship of party and
class. The writer is struggling with priority of one over the other. The
writer is not able to see that it is the democracy of the mass democratic
organisations that enables them to realise themselves as collective,
free-willing subjects, which must then exercise their will-power. It is
impossible not to read this clause without becoming convinced that the
writer imagines the SACP as the rider, and the other alliance partners as
horses - which is not communist thinking.

 

19.   This clause pines for the communist parties to have "genuine and
organic alliances with a wider range of progressive social forces in their
societies." This is a restatement of the old and disastrous Eurocommunist
desire for alliance with "new social forces". It is a direct consequence of
the inability to conceive of alliance as class alliance. The ANC is the
proper locus for class alliance. It was fostered by the Party for that
reason. The relation of the communist party with other formations is as a
facilitator of democracy. It is democracy of all kinds that permits the
people to have, and to express, and to act upon a common, people's will. The
creation of this people's will, in this way, is the purpose of the NDR. It
is not the communist party that holds the ring. The ANC is where in the
first instance all the small democracies can join in a mass liberation
movement. Not the Party. The Party is not for that purpose. People who
imagine the Party as a command centre have not understood what revolution
is. Those who understand the Party as an independent actor have also not
understood revolution. The Party must never try to mimic other actors. It
has its vanguard role, and that is all it has. It is enough.

 

20.   "In other words, the fact that we are in alliance with COSATU must not
mean that the SACP can only access organized workers through COSATU. The
Party must have its own independent presence amongst workers, both organized
and unorganized." This is completely and utterly wrong. The workers must be
organised as workers, and not as communists. The communists are the
communist party. There is an example of the consequence of this kind of
confusion in the Greek Party, KKE, which is a sectarian party that likes to
talk to itself. Hence it has created a general workers' organisation called
PAME that organises workers outside of their unions, so as then to use them
to interfere inside their unions. This is a terrible mistake. The SACP
should not do this, do anything like this, or ever start to think like this.

 

 

 

Next (and final) instalment: "Towards an Organisational Review and Renewal
Process," commentary in number order: Clauses 21 to 35

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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