PCR-IPE.png

 

 

Privatization is the Atlanticist Strategy to Attack Russia

 

 

Who, in addition to the Western-financed NGOs, are the Fifth Columnists
inside Russia? We call them Atlanticist Integrationists and neoliberal
economists. They are setting a privatization trap for Putin that could undo
all of his accomplishments and deliver Russia to Western control.

 

 

Paul Craig Roberts and Michael Hudson, IPE, USA, 8 February 2016

Two years ago, Russian officials discussed plans to privatize a group of
national enterprises headed by the oil producer Rosneft, the VTB Bank,
Aeroflot, and Russian Railways. The stated objective was to streamline
management of these companies, and also to induce oligarchs to begin
bringing their two decades of capital flight back to invest in the Russia
economy. Foreign participation was sought in cases where Western technology
transfer and management techniques would be likely to help the economy.

 

However, the Russian economic outlook deteriorated as the United States
pushed Western governments to impose economic sanctions against Russia and
oil prices declined. This has made the Russian economy less attractive to
foreign investors. So sale of these companies will bring much lower prices
today than would have been likely in 2014

 

Meanwhile, the combination of a rising domestic budget deficit and
balance-of-payments deficit has given Russian advocates of privatization an
argument to press ahead with the sell-offs. The flaw in their logic is their
neoliberal assumption that Russia cannot simply monetize its deficit, but
needs to survive by selling off more major assets. We warn against Russia
being so gullible as to accept this dangerous neoliberal argument.
Privatization will not help re-industrialize Russia's economy, but will
aggravate its turn into a rentier economy from which profits are extracted
for the benefit of foreign owners.

 

To be sure, President Putin set a number of conditions on February 1 to
prevent new privatizations from being like the Yeltsin era's disastrous
selloffs. This time the assets would not be sold at knockdown prices, but
would have to reflect prospective real value. The firms being sold off would
remain under Russian jurisdiction, not operated by offshore owners.
Foreigners were invited to participate, but the companies would remain
subject to Russian laws and regulations, including restrictions to keep
their capital within Russia. 

 

Also, the firms to be privatized cannot be bought with domestic state bank
credit. The aim is to draw "hard cash" into the buyouts - ideally from the
foreign currency holdings by oligarchs in London and elsewhere.

 

Putin wisely ruled out selling Russia's largest bank, Sperbank, which holds
much of the nation's retail savings accounts. Banking evidently is to remain
largely a public utility, which it should because the ability to create
credit as money is a natural monopoly and inherently public in character.

 

Despite these protections that President Putin added, there are serious
reasons not to go ahead with the newly-announced privatizations. These
reasons go beyond the fact that they would be sold under conditions of
economic recession as a result of the Western economic sanctions and falling
oil prices. 

 

The excuse being cited by Russian officials for selling these companies at
the present time is to finance the domestic budget deficit. This excuse
shows that Russia has still not recovered from the disastrous Western
Atlanticist myth that Russia must depend on foreign banks and bondholders to
create money, as if the Russian central bank cannot do this itself by
monetizing the budget deficit.

 

Monetization of budget deficits is precisely what the United States
government has done, and what Western central banks have been doing in the
post World War II era. Debt monetization is common practice in the West.
Governments can help revive the economy by printing money instead of
indebting the country to private creditors which drains the public sector of
funds via interest payments to private creditors.

 

There is no valid reason to raise money from private banks to provide the
government with money when a central bank can create the same money without
having to pay interest on loans. However, Russian economists have been
inculcated with the Western belief that only commercial banks should create
money and that governments should sell interest-bearing bonds in order to
raise funds. The incorrect belief that only private banks should create
money by making loans is leading the Russian government down the same path
that has led the eurozone into a dead end economy.  By privatizing credit
creation, Europe has shifted economic planning from democratically elected
governments to the banking sector.

 

There is no need for Russia to accept this pro-rentier economic philosophy
that bleeds a country of public revenues. Neoliberals are promoting it not
to help Russia, but to bring Russia to its knees. 

 

Essentially, those Russians allied with the West-"Atlanticist
Integrationists"- who want Russia to sacrifice its sovereignty to
integration with the Western empire are using neoliberal economics to entrap
Putin and breach Russia's control over its own economy that Putin
reestablished after the Yeltsin years when Russia was looted by foreign
interests.

 

Despite some success in reducing the power of the oligarchs who arose from
the Yeltsin privatizations, the Russian government needs to retain national
enterprises as a countervailing economic power. The reason governments
operate railways and other basic infrastructure is to lower the cost of
living and doing business. The aim of private owners, by contrast, is to
raise the prices as high as they can. This is called "rent extraction."
Private owners put up tollbooths to raise the cost of infrastructure
services that are being privatized. This is the opposite of what the
classical economists meant by "free market."

 

There is talk of a deal being made with the oligarchs. The oligarchs will
buy ownership in the Russian state companies with money they have stashed
abroad from previous privatizations, and get another "deal of the century"
when Russia's economy recovers by enough to enable more excessive gains to
be made.

 

The problem is that the more economic power moves from government to private
control, the less countervailing power the government has against private
interests.  From this standpoint, no privatizations should be permitted at
this time.

 

Much less should foreigners be permitted to acquire ownership of Russian
national assets. In order to collect a one-time payment of foreign currency,
the Russian government will be turning over to foreigners future income
streams that can, and will be, extracted from Russia and sent abroad. This
"repatriation" of dividends would occur even if management and control
remains geographically in Russia.

 

Selling public assets in exchange for a one-time payment is what the city of
Chicago government did when it sold the 75 year revenue stream of its
parking meters for a one-time payment. The Chicago government got money for
one year by giving up 75 years of revenues. By sacrificing public revenues,
the Chicago government saved real estate and private wealth from being taxed
and also allowed Wall Street investment banks to make a fortune.

 

It also created a public outcry against the giveaway. The new buyers sharply
raised street parking fees, and sued Chicago's government for damages when
the city closed the street for public parades or holidays, thereby
"interfering" with the rentiers' parking-meter business. Instead of helping
Chicago, it helped push the city toward bankruptcy. No wonder Atlanticists
would like to see Russia suffer the same fate.

 

Using privatization to cover a short-term budget problem creates a larger
long-term problem. The profits of Russian companies would flow out of the
country, reducing the ruble's exchange rate. If the profits are paid in
rubles, the rubles can be dumped in the foreign exchange market and
exchanged for dollars. This will depress the ruble's exchange rate and raise
the dollar's exchange value. In effect, allowing foreigners to acquire
Russia's national assets helps foreigners to speculate against the Russian
ruble.

 

Of course, the new Russian owners of the privatized assets also could send
their profits abroad. But at least the Russian government realizes that
owners subject to Russian jurisdiction are more easily regulated than are
owners who are able to control companies from abroad and keep their working
capital in London or other foreign banking centers (all subject to U.S.
diplomatic leverage and New Cold War sanctions). 

 

At the root of the privatization discussion should be the question of what
is money and why should it be created by private banks instead of central
banks. The Russian government should finance its budget deficit by having
the central bank create the necessary money, just as the US and UK do.  It
is not necessary for the Russian government to give away future revenue
streams in perpetuity merely in order to cover one year's deficit. That is a
path to impoverishment and to loss of economic and political independence.

 

Globalization was invented as a tool of American Empire. Russia should be
shielding itself from globalization, not opening itself to it. Privatization
is the vehicle to undercut economic sovereignty and increase profits by
raising prices. 

 

Just as Western-financed NGOs operating in Russia are a fifth column
operating against Russian national interests, so are Russia's neoliberal
economists, whether or not they realize it.  Russia will not be safe from
Western manipulation until its economy is closed to Western attempts to
reshape Russia's economy in the interest of Washington and not in the
interest of Russia.  

 

 

From:
http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/2016/02/08/privatization-is-the-atlanticist-
strategy-to-attack-russia-paul-craig-roberts-and-michael-hudson/

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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