Sunday Independent.png

 

 

Capitalism ensures capture of state

 

 

Malaika Wa Azania, Sunday Independent, Johannesburg, 27 March 2016

 

Over the past few weeks, the terms "state capture" and "corporate capture"
have been buzz words in South Africa. It all began when former ANC MP Vytjie
Mentor made a comment in which she alleged she had been offered a
ministerial position by the Gupta family. It is common knowledge that the
latter enjoys close ties to President Jacob Zuma.

 

What followed Mentor's revelation was a litany of similar allegations from
various ANC leaders, including the Deputy Minister of Finance Mcebisi Jonas,
who levelled similar allegations against the Guptas.

 

These allegations sparked a national discourse around the issue of state
capture, with many claiming the actions of the Gupta family are a clear
indication the South African state has now been captured by this family.

 

There is certainly a serious cause for concern when a family with close ties
to a sitting president acts with the kind of impunity with which the Guptas
have done and still do.

 

This is the same family that landed its private jet at a national key point
for a private function - one in which the family's foreign guests did not
follow correct customs procedures as every other foreign visitor to the
country does. And this is now the same family that calls MPs to its private
residence to offer them jobs that only the state president has the
constitutional mandate to do.

 

The ties the Gupta family enjoys with government officials extends far
beyond offering them ministerial posts.

 

According to reports, the Gupta family has previously funded various
political parties that constitute our government.

 

These include the ANC, the DA, and the United Democratic Movement, to name a
few.

 

According to the International Monetary Fund, state capture refers to "the
efforts of firms to shape the laws, policies, and regulations of the state
to their own advantage by providing illicit private gains to public
officials".

 

It can therefore be argued the political parties that are funded by the
Guptas directly or indirectly inform and influence legislation.

 

They construct policies and laws. In funding them, the Guptas create an
enabling environment for the festering of political clientelism, where a
state that is supposed to be accountable to its people must first account to
its funders. This is one of the ways in which a state is captured.

 

While I agree the actions of the Gupta family are reflective of state
capture, I want to contend that contrary to the dominant narrative, state
capture is neither new nor are the Guptas the sole (or even the dominant)
players in the capture of the South African state. It was captured at the
table of negotiations through what sociologist J Baskin refers to as
bargained corporatism. Between 1990 and 1994, negotiation processes known as
the Conference for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa) took place with the FW
de Klerk government, unbanned liberation movements, the labour movement and
various other bodies.

 

One of the key discussions at these negotiations was the role that the
labour movement and trade unions would play in the new dispensation.

 

A model would have to be adopted which would result in the emergence of
institutions and processes through which workers and unions may engage the
state and capital to gain varying degrees of control over important economic
decisions.

 

Corporatism

 

The model adopted was bargained corporatism.

 

Bargained corporatism refers to the unions engaging the state and capital at
macro-economic decision-making level through negotiation.

 

A crucial feature of corporatism is that public policy becomes the outcome
of a bargaining process between state departments and organised interests
whose power is such that their co-operation is indispensable if the
agreed-upon policies are to be implemented.

 

While in theory bargained corporatism might have sounded like the best
possible model to employ in our new country, in reality it set parameters
for state capture.

 

There are two main reasons why this is the case. Firstly, the very nature of
the South African political transition belies the foundation on which our
democracy lies. While the negotiated settlement did usher in a democratic
dispensation, it did not radically deconstruct the systemic constructs of
apartheid dispossession.

 

This means that we achieved political freedom without economic freedom,
which still rests in the hands of white-owned corporates and individuals.
The South African government thus has political office but no economic power
with which to effect economic transformation.

 

Secondly, the inherent weaknesses of the trade union and labour movement.
These include the fact that like all other organisations, trade unions are
prone to the iron law of oligarchy.

 

Among other things, this leads to union leaders developing a petty bourgeois
life-style and social differentiation from their members.

 

Trotsky takes this further by arguing that union leaders, having acquired
authority over their members, are used to assist capitalism in controlling
the workers.

 

They thus become incorporated into the system.

 

What are the implications of this characterisation of unions and the
democratic state, with regards to state capture?

 

The implication is that a government that is in political office but does
not have economic power relies on capital to fund its activities -
especially in a developing country like ours, with a very small tax base.

 

The implication is that a weak trade union and labour movement is ultimately
incorporated by capital to a point of being collaborationist with capital.
But more than this, the implication is that capital has control of the
policy decisions that the state resolves on.

 

A clear example of this was the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (Gear)
policy, which was adopted by our government with the support of capital,
amidst protest from the trade union, labour and civil society movements.

 

Gordhan versus van Rooyen

 

Recently, Zuma was pressured to remove Desmond van Rooyen as Finance
Minister, and replace him with Pravin Gordhan who is more familiar to the
white monopoly capital.

 

After all, Pravin's budgets have always ensured that white monopoly
capitalism remains in power and is protected and maintained.

 

The reality of the situation is that the Gupta family is one of several
players who have, throughout history, maintained the capture of the South
African state. I reject the popular narrative that seeks to suggest the
state has always been free and only recently became captured by the Gupta
family.

 

This narrative becomes dangerous as it seeks to present state capture as an
individual action rather than the systematic construct that it is. It is
also ahistoric and downright impolitic.

 

In a country that has signed up to bargained corporatism as its model of
governance, state capture by capital is inevitable.

 

In fact, I want to take it further and say that state capture is a feature
of capitalist society, where corporates have more resources and therefore
more power than the state itself.

 

It is not as new a phenomenon as analysts want to present it.

 

In my view, we have not yet begun to have a meaningful debate on state
capture. What we claim is a debate on state capture is in fact a "Zuma and
the Gupta family are a problem and they must go".

 

Such a debate does not recognise that state capture is systematic and
historical, and therefore bigger than just one family in Saxonwold.

 

They are a problem, but they are not the only problem and certainly, not the
only ones enjoying the benefits of having control of the Republic of South
Africa.

 

 

From:
http://mini.iol.co.za/sundayindependent/capitalism-ensures-capture-of-state-
2001775?page=1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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