Parliament.jpg

 

Parliament, 10 November 2016

 

Malusi Gigaba MP, Minister of Home Affairs

 

Speech during Confidence Debate in the National Assembly

 

Here we are again for a 5th frivolous attempt by the opposition since 2014
to win by stealth and cunning battles they had lost on the ground.

 

What makes a mockery of this are the reasons provided for this new gimmick.

 

The so-called “state capture” has become the most recent Trojan horse inside
which the DA Spartans have hid in their new spurious attempt to waylay
democracy.

 

It would seem that anything would have passed for this debate today; that
the DA was waiting for any excuse to bring to the House this motion so that
we assist them and participate in their denigration of the President and the
ANC.

 

For people who claim to respect democracy, the judiciary, rule of law and
fairness to act in this fashion which demonstrates, on the contrary, their
disdain for these fundamental Constitutional principles and values which our
nation holds so dear betrays their disingenuity.

 

In its own statement, the ANC has welcomed the erstwhile Public Protector’s
Report, noted the seriousness of the issues it dealt with and welcomed its
recommendations, whilst noting that they are inconclusive and contain no
binding findings conferring guilt on any party, but rather calls for the
establishment of a Commission of Inquiry into allegations of improper
relationships and involvement of private interests in the running of the
affairs of the State.

 

Furthermore, the ANC said that it supports, as a matter of principle, the
setting up of a Commission of Inquiry, however due regard must be given to
the Constitutional prescripts that guide the establishment of such
Commission.

 

If the opposition believed in fairness and the rule of law, they would have
welcomed the Public Protector’s Report in toto and instead of jumping the
gun to call for a no confidence vote in the President, on the basis of an
inconclusive report, they should have waited patiently for the Commission of
Inquiry and what it will find.

 

However, the fact of the matter is that such patience does not exist among
those eager to dispose of the ANC in order to defend racial privilege and
supremacy.

 

The truth is that there is a bitter struggle in South Africa between the
former oppressors and those whom they had oppressed, for the right and power
to determine the political direction of this country as well as the
ownership of its economic resources.

 

When the Anglo-Boer ended in 1902, the Brits in particular and whites in
general had secured more than the monopoly of electoral power; they had also
secured for themselves the monopoly of political power and property
ownership, included in which was the right to make black labour cheap and to
exploit it without prohibitions.

 

Throughout its existence, the system of white supremacy had been predicated
on this very notion that in order to plunder South Africa’s natural
resources, the white minority had to have the exclusive monopoly of
political power in its hands.

 

The end of the apartheid system constituted the horror of horrors for the
racialist political and economic establishment as it elevated the native,
long kept at his place as the political underclass and beasts of burden, to
political power where they could begin dismantling the system of racial
supremacy, occupy the civil service and change the laws and systems that had
oppressed them and start systematically to change both the structure of
economic ownership and production.

 

Accordingly, the fight today, as it was in the past and will be tomorrow, is
not merely a fight about the person of President Zuma, whilst it may
ostensibly seem so, but it is ultimately about the ultimate control of the
economic fortunes of this country and her political destiny.

 

In this regard, we can see right through the actions of the opposition and
their façade.

 

These self-appointed ‘defenders of the Constitution and rule of law’, in and
out of this House, fail the fundamental test of their own claims and
assertions.

 

Ultimately, the true test of one’s commitment to a particular principle is
not your willingness to respect it insofar as it applies to you or your
friends, but rather when dealing with your opponents.

 

So on this basis alone, this motion is clearly spurious, and should
therefore not be supported.

 

However, Lenin warns us that:

 

“People always have been the foolish victims of deception and self-deception
in politics, and they always will be until they have learnt to seek out the
interests of some class or other behind all moral, religious, political and
social phrases, declarations and promises.”

 

At best, this motion is merely about political point scoring, but at worst,
it is characteristic of the abhorrent ploys by the global empire and their
local political hoodlums under guises of good governance and defending the
Constitution and the rule of law to steal political power in order to
defend, protect and advance their exclusive economic interests.

 

The CIA used this strategy in Iran in 1951 following a decision by the then
Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh to nationalise Iranian oil, thus
taking it away from a British company that was exploiting it and the Iranian
people.

 

According to John Perkins, author of “The New Confessions of an Economic
Hitman”, Britain enlisted the assistance of the US, their ally, and

 

“Instead of sending in the Marines, therefore, Washington dispatched CIA
agent Kermit Roosevelt (Theodore’s grandson). He performed brilliantly,
winning people over and through payoffs and threats. He then enlisted them
to organise a series of street riots and violent demonstrations, which
created the impression that Mossadegh was unpopular and inept. In the end,
Mossadegh went down and spent the rest of his life under house arrest. The
pro-American Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi became the unchallenged dictator.”

 

Certainly, Iran was not to be the only and final country to experience such
foreign interventions with the support of local actors; this is also the
story of Panama, Ecuador, Iraq, of Libya and Zimbabwe closer to home.

 

The modus operandi remains the same, driven by a cartel of global
governments, local politicians, big global and domestic capital and
corporations.

 

At its heart, this is about the commercial interests of the rich and
powerful who control the media and pay off local political actors,
journalists and others in pursuit of their depraved agenda.

 

For years the opposition has adopted a strategy of personalized fixation and
attacks focused on President Zuma, aimed at demonizing him and rendering him
unpopular, portraying his leadership of our country as inept,
corrupt-ridden, irrational, irresponsible and reckless.

 

This was precisely the argument made earlier today when this farcical motion
was tabled.

 

Mossadegh’s crime in Iran was to reclaim their oil; Torijos’ crime in Panama
was to reclaim the Panama Canal, Roldos’s crime in Ecuador was to defend
their oil, and so were the crimes of Muammar Gaddafi in Libya and Saddam
Hussein in Iraq.

 

In our case, our extensive mineral wealth, BRICS and the prospective nuclear
power station in South Africa lie at the heart of the regime-change
offensive we are subjected to.

 

Accepting this agenda and not opposing it to the very death will be our
biggest folly.

 

As one member of the Cuban Five said during their trial in the US, refusing
to cower and cringe in front of the imperialist repressive machine, so we
too repeat after him that:

 

“Here, on this soil, we stand with our robust souls!”

 

There will be no retreat; there will be no surrender from us!

 

The ANC prosecutes an historic mission to forge a united, democratic,
non-racist, non-sexist and prosperous society.

 

While the DA pays lip service to poverty, unemployment and inequality, we
know these conditions intimately because our people have lived in them for
centuries, condemned to their brutality by the system of racial tyranny of
which the DA today is the most ardent defender and single-minded promoter.

 

For 104 years, our movement has struggled to overturn these conditions,
concentrated as they are on black people in general, and Africans in
particular.

 

The ANC has deployed Comrade Jacob Zuma as President to lead the
implementation of a programme in government which will overcome these
conditions.

 

It is under President Zuma’s leadership that:

 

·       the National Development Plan was drafted and adopted;

·       the National Health Insurance is being piloted;

·       a new HIV and AIDS programme was developed, giving a real chance to
long productive life to those living with HIV and AIDS;

·       this country unveiled the largest infrastructure roll-out in its
history;

·       focus was changed towards rural development and has spearheaded a
radical land reform programme;

·       we now have two new universities in the Northern Cape and
Mpumalanga;

·       Further Education and Training Colleges have been restructured,
their profile raised and billions of rand of investment made to improve
their infrastructure;

·       the NSFAS has been increased to over R10bn in 2016/17, and the
children of poor parents and the “missing middle” earning less than R600m
will continue to receive financial support from government;

·       a bold capital expenditure expansion was announced by State-Owned
Companies reflecting the expansionary outlook of this government towards
economic investments;

·       the first female AU Commission Chairperson in its 50 years of
existence was elected;

·       the energy challenge was resolved and nine-point plan for economic
recovery developed.

 

These are the issues our political class should be focusing on.

 

South Africans would be better served by an opposition that seeks to improve
existing initiatives, or offers compelling alternatives, rather than sitting
back – free of the responsibility to govern – plotting ways to win news
cycles and score political points.

 

Working together, with all South Africans who are committed to taking
positive steps to improve our economy and society, we will move South Africa
forward.

 

Our country’s politics today is too divided and polarised, driven by
racial-commercial interests.

 

We need to unite our nation because these divisions are not good for all of
us, especially during these difficult economic times.

 

The future of our Republic hangs by a thread; poverty, inequality and
joblessness weaken all of us collectively; nobody benefits from their
perpetuation.

 

Our country cries out for a leadership that will unite us, bridge the gaps,
restore our hope in the future and point us ever forward towards the promise
of a better life in a national democratic society where all shall enjoy
their fundamental rights as equals.

 

We hear the call of our people for a good, visionary, uniting, ethical,
transparent and accountable leadership that places the interests of the
nation ahead of their own.

 

We know that there are many mistakes we commit as leadership in the course
of pursuing our people’s interests.

 

This democracy is young, and so we learn by doing.

 

What we do not do right, we are determined to correct as we continue to
learn how to better lead and serve our people in their very own best
interests.

 

Finally, let me refer you to a conversation between a Buddha who was
interrupted by a man during a lecture with a flood of abuse.

 

When the man finished, the Buddha asked him:

 

“If a man offered a gift to another, but the gift was declined, to whom
would the gift belong to?

“To the one who offered it, said the man.

“Then, said the Buddha, I decline to accept your abuse and request you to
keep it for yourself.”

 

This is our message to our opposition today: we decline to accept your abuse
and request you to keep it for yourselves.

 

We will oppose this vote, not because, as we have said it, we take lightly
the issues of corruption, integrity and transparency, but because we cannot
join the regime change and economic plunder campaign of your global and
domestic masters.

 

You may be their puppets, but we are not!

 

I thank you.

 

ANC no letters.jpg

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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