---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: "Alex Mohubetswane Mashilo" <[email protected]>
Date: 6 Jan 2017 13:50
Subject: [SACP] SACP Statement at the commemoration of the 22nd anniversary
of the death of Joe Slovo: Build mass power, selflessly serve the people
exceptionally!
To: <[email protected]>, <[email protected]>
Cc:
*South African Communist Party*
*Build mass power, selflessly serve the people exceptionally!*
*SACP Statement at the commemoration of the 22nd anniversary of the death
of Joe Slovo*
*As delivered by SACP 2nd Deputy General Secretary Cde Solly Mapaila *
*Avalon Cemetery, Heroes Acre, Soweto, Johannesburg, 6 January 2017*
[*Revolutionary salutes and acknowledgement of leadership and protocols*]
Happy New Year and best wishes to you comrades present here today and to
all our people, the majority of whom is the working class and poor.
Congratulations are in order to the successful Matriculants as they pursue
their new career paths to serve our country and humanity as a whole. To
those who did not make it the SACP says this is not the end of the road –
repetition is the mother of learning and exploring alternatives and
innovation are important ingredients on the road to success.
Comrades we have gathered here today to commemorate the 22nd anniversary
since the death of our great revolutionary, Communist, people’s leader,
thinker, jurist and our movement’s strategist and tactician, Commander Joe
Slovo, the founding commander of our joint SACP-ANC liberation army,
uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK), along with Commander Nelson Mandela, who became the
first President of our country’s democratically elected government.
Slovo served our struggle for liberation and social emancipation with
distinction. He served on the Revolutionary Council, and contributed to the
drafting of the first ANC Strategy and Tactics document in 1969. The
document provided greater clarity on the ANC’s ideological outlook and
clearly set the path to our democratic transition. At that time the ANC was
not yet open to Whites in its leadership. This was affirmed by the very
Consultative Conference that adopted the Strategy and Tactics in Morogoro,
Tanzania. Practically the ANC opened its leadership ranks to Whites in
1985 in a Consultative Conference held Zambia, where Slovo was elected to
its National Executive Committee.
Slovo rejected wallowing in White privilege. He decided to wage a
relentless struggle against the system of racial oppression, gender
domination, capitalist class exploitation and its highest stage of
imperialism. Although today very few White people will admit to ever having
supported apartheid, in reality, at the time of apartheid very few of them
were prepared to follow the example of Slovo and other White revolutionary
democrats who joined the ranks of our struggle for national liberation and
socialism, among others Michael Harmel (A. Lerumo), Jack Simons, Ray
Alexander Simons, Brian Bunting, Helen Joseph, Bram Fischer, Dennis
Goldberg, Ruth First and Albie Sachs.
Slovo served as the General Secretary of our Party and Chief of Staff of
the MK. At the time of his death he was the Minister of Housing after the
1994 democratic breakthrough, our Party’s National Chairperson and ANC
National Executive Committee Member.
As the SACP we characterise our April 1994 transition as a democratic
breakthrough, because it represented the basis for an advance to
democratise and transform our society, from apartheid power and colonial
economic relations to a government and economy that will serve all the
people.
We did this, comrades, cognisant that for the working class and poor,
freedom means freedom from capitalist exploitation and all forms of its
barbarism and brutality. For the working class and poor, freedom means
freedom from inequality; freedom from hunger; freedom poverty; freedom from
preventable diseases; freedom from homelessness; freedom from socially
imposed ignorance; freedom from patriarchy, male domination of women;
freedom from lack of access to the rights provided for in our country’s
constitution by our democratic breakthrough just because one does not have
money to exercise those rights. Freedom for the working class and poor
means freedom from unjust social relations of production, including
property relations that condemn the majority of our people to permanent
wage slavery and reduce freedom to a mere illusion while a few enjoy
themselves in luxury and comfort at the expense of the majority. This is
why, comrades, we said the struggle continues while others said “Free at
last”. There is a big difference between the two.
Comrade JS, as he was fondly known, was a product of the Communist
Movement, which, though existing since 1848 when Marx and Engels wrote the
Manifesto of the Communist Party, made its first major breakthrough with
the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917, led by V.I. Lenin as part
of the collective leadership of the Bolsheviks. This year we celebrate the
centenary of that historic event, the single most important in the history
of the struggle of humankind to move from a class society to a non-class
society in which the exploitation of one person, class or nation by another
is eliminated. We can say with confidence that the liberation of Africa
gained its impetus from the selfless revolutionary activity of Petrograd,
Russia, on 25 October 1917.
It is true that counter-revolution and internal contradictions in the
Soviet Union and Eastern Europe set the movement back – badly – but it was
not a permanent setback. We must understand that the world role played by
the Soviet Union, its influence, did not die in 1991. Under Soviet
government, the Soviet Union, a country the size of the whole of
sub-Saharan Africa, moved out of the middle ages and into the modern era.
Within this period of transformation, the Soviet Union took on the might of
Nazi Germany – industrially the most advanced country in Europe at that
time and defeated it in the most terrible war in history, the Second World
War. Slovo took part in that war against Adolf Hitler’s forces of Fascist
imperialism.
In 1919 Lenin, the leader of the Soviet Union from 1917 to 1923 established
the Communist International to which all Communist Parties were affiliated.
In 1927, a member of our Party from Cape Town, James La Guma proposed that
South Africa should become a native republic with equal rights for all
races. He took this proposal to the Communist International, which adopted
the idea in 1928, and from 1929 it became Party policy in South Africa. The
Communist Party was the first non-racial political organisation in South
Africa, and based on this the first to call for a democratic republic with
equal rights for all races.
It was the Soviet Union which gave arms and training to liberation
movements of Southern Africa, MPLA in Angola, Frelimo in Mozambique, Zapu
in Zimbabwe, Swapo in Namibia and the SACP-ANC in South Africa. Today we
are joined by former combatants of the MK and the Zimbabwe People’s
Revolutionary Army, the armed-wing of Zapu. They can testify to the massive
support given by the Soviet Union and other countries that adopted
socialism. It was not only military assistance; those countries provided
training for medical doctors, engineers and administrators for future
peaceful development. Meanwhile, Western imperialist powers such as the
United States listed the whole of our struggle for liberation and social
emancipation, the movement and its leaders as terrorist.
Let us take this opportunity to recognise that the Western imperialist
regime change agenda has suffered a setback and dealt a blow by Russia in
Syria. We reiterate our condemnation of the imperialist agenda that is also
alive in our own country. Our fight and repulsion of this devious agenda
should not make us chase our own shadows, become paranoid and treat every
criticism with contempt and vilification. We must unite to defeat this
imperialist agenda, the primary source of our social slavery and economic
exploitation. This is why we must also wage a relentless struggle against
counterfeit anti-imperialism, a tendency basically characterised by the
emergence of elitist groupings that commit wrongdoing and pigeonhole
everyone who calls them to order and accuse them of being on the side of
regime change or imperialism.
We should equally condemn the autocratic regime of al-Bashir in Sudan for
the atrocities it is committing against its own people in the Blue Nile
region, South Gordofan and Numba Mountains. The regime further denies the
people basic human rights and condemns them to pariahs in their own
country. The Al-Bashir government bombs the territory consistently and is
also using chemical weapons indiscriminately against civilians. Further, it
is denying over one million of its victims access to humanitarian aid.
As part of our focus in 2017 and beyond, we will be stepping up measures to
take the African revolution forward. These include reinvigorating the African
Left Networking Forum (*ALNEF*) and its efforts to build a continental
revolutionary movement of the working class in Africa in alliance with
progressive social forces.
Here on our home front, we condemn in the strongest terms possible the
assassination of our people and comrades in Inchanga and other parts of
KwaZulu-Natal. We reiterate our call for peace, while actively supporting
the people’s right to self-defence.
Our continuing struggle is faced with a number of challenges on multiple
fronts. Nevertheless there is hope for a better future. And that hope lies
in:
*Principled unity around a common programme to eliminate the legacy of
colonialism and apartheid, complete the national democratic revolution, end
class exploitation and build a prosperous, egalitarian society.*
The national democratic revolution is the glue that binds together our
revolutionary movement. That is why the unity of the alliance but
principled and programmatic unity is important. We do not want unity with
factions, no matter how powerful or resourced they may be, or their extent
of capturing control of power in our movement government. We in the Party
will never be in alliance with a faction. We will only be in alliance with
organised democratic formations of our people’s movement.
Comrades, for many decades a broad national democratic consensus has
underpinned the multi-class and ideologically diverse character of the ANC,
and of the Alliance – in which the ANC is the main mass democratic
political organisation. Quite naturally, this national democratic consensus
has not been entirely free of tension, different but legitimate tendencies,
and contrasting ideological currents. This consensus has now eroded
dramatically, and over the recent past with the emergence of a reckless,
lumpen demagoguery, and a conservative populism within the ranks of our
movement. This is obviously changing the harmonious co-existence and
accepted levels of contradictions. It is transforming non-antagonistic
contradictions into antagonistic contradictions on a negative slope to
degeneration.
Factionalism has also become deeply entrenched, contributing greatly to the
erosion of our broad democratic consensus and the confidence of the masses
in the ANC.
There are factions of the aspirant and emerging bourgeoisie in our broad
movement who are fighting each other for the control of power and
resources, such as deployments and appointments in state institutions and
state-owned enterprises, contracts, tenders, mining licences, control of
public procurement including that of state-owned enterprises, as well as
other opportunities. There is no ideological difference between the
bitterly contending factions. All of them are pushing private accumulation
of wealth on a capitalist basis.
But there is a huge ideological difference between all the factions on the
one hand and on the other hand the Communist Party, the working class and
allied progressive forces. The Communist Party having no interests separate
from those of the working class, is fighting for the socialisation of the
means of production and wealth distribution. We are fighting against the
use of nationally owned assets to feed private corporate and individual
interests and families of political leaders.
In contradiction, the factions we are talking about are organised
syndicates intent on using any means legal or illegal for the enrichment of
the parasitic bourgeoisie and the development of oligarchies. They are
using public opportunities to dispense patronage and consolidate political
support, and are in turn linked to corruption and the looting of public
resources. This is driven, in particular, but not only, by a network of the
corporately captured bedfellows. Most notably those in planetary orbit
around the Guptas have been spectacularly crude in their brazen smash and
grab private wealth accumulation operations. That the Guptas have become
South Africa’s top black billionaires in 2016 shows how toxic are the
networks of corporate state capture – in the midst of high levels of
persisting inequality, unemployment and poverty.
According to the Business Times Rich List report covered by the Sunday
Times and further by the Sowetan Live on 11 December 2016, Atul Gupta, the
most prominent of the three Gupta brothers, became the seventh richest
South African with a net wealth valued at R10-billion. It is inconceivable
that this massive private accumulation of wealth has come about without
payments based on, and the role played by the capture of contracts, tenders
and mining or other licenses from state institutions and entities, and as
widely reported also by unscrupulous means. This toxic trajectory can only
be defended by those who have been captured or aspire to be captured so
that they can benefit from related patronage networks.
Corporate capture of key parts of the state and of key personalities has
resulted over the past two years in extremely worrying developments,
including indications of a shadowy parallel state that operates outside of
cabinet discipline and beyond answerability to Parliament or even the
formal structures of the ANC, let alone the broad South African public.
Along with this there has emerged a tendency to defend the corporate
capturers while neglecting the masses of our people, including former MK
combatants, and their conditions.
When we exposed the Guptas, their backers said: “What about the Ruperts and
Oppenheimers?” We said, and still say, the Guptas, the Ruperts, the
Oppenheimers and the rest of both domestic and imperial monopoly capital
are the strategic adversaries of the majority of the our people – the
workers and the poor. The SACP is the only political organisation in South
Africa that has consistently campaigned against the oligopolies, monopolies
and the parasites.
Historically and continuously after 1994 the SACP has led campaigns for the
transformation of the banks and the financial sector as a whole – unlike
those who woke up to smell the coffee only after financial institutions cut
their long standing, mutually beneficial ties with the Guptas. We have
consistently campaigned against corporate capture of the SABC by a private
company – MultiChoice, a subsidiary of Naspers, the mouthpiece of the
Broederbond, the ideological vanguard organisation of apartheid. Yet an
illegal SABC COO claimed to be the champion of transformation, although it
was he who signed a contract conveying strategic national assets, the SABC
archives, and associated public programming control, to the still existing
economic forces of apartheid.
These things, if left unchallenged, will continue to erode our broad
national democratic consensus. By fighting these battles we are actually
assisting the ANC to regain lost ground. We are saving our own movement. A
failure to succeed will have serious implications, and will require a new
programme. It is the factionalists and cheerleaders of corporate capture
and corruption who, if not defeated, will continue to dig the grave of the
ANC and destroy the Alliance. They have run berserk at the time when the
whole of our movement is in dire need of principled unity around a common
programme to move our national democratic revolution on to a second, more
radical phase, towards a national democratic economy.
*Sharpening contradictions *
The erosion of our national democratic consensus has coincided with
sharpening contradictions marking the beginning of the end of the
compromises of the 1990s. The hard fact of the early 1990s is that the
objective conditions and interacting national and international balance of
forces were configured in such a way that we could not achieve all the
goals of our struggle at a stroke. Based on a negotiated settlement we thus
secured our transition to the current democratic dispensation without
simultaneously achieving economic democratisation, particularly ownership
and wealth distribution. It was while others at the negotiations were
secretly pushing the idea of the sunset clauses which contained the
compromises that Slovo had the courage to open up the proposal for what
became an open, and heated, but eventually useful debate within the ANC and
the ANC-headed Alliance. This finally broke the deadlock and paved the way
to our April 1994 democratic breakthrough based on the principle that the
struggle had to continue.
It was very clear at that time that the forces that held economic control
in our country, both domestic and imperial monopoly capital, would remain
strategically opposed to the objectives of our liberation struggle, the
national democratic revolution and any further advance to a socialist
transition. Using the economy, they indeed became part of the structurally
hardwired opposition to the democratically elected government –
particularly to the role it should be playing to drive democratic economic
transformation. In this way, liberalism was to become the ideology of
conservatism for racist domestic forces that to this day seek to preserve
White privilege, as well as for imperialist forces who seek to deepen their
economic stranglehold on the neck of our country.
It should therefore come as no surprise to those familiar with the
materialist conception history and dialectics that the compromises that
became necessary in the early 1990s have reached the beginning of their
end. By their very nature compromises are never permanent. This is what
Slovo appreciated as a strategist and tactician of our struggle. Rather
than believing that the dislodging of apartheid was the end of the struggle
and that people were “Free at last”, he believed that the struggle had to
continue under new conditions facilitated by the establishment of democracy
and its further development – itself as a struggle. Slovo understood that
it was under democracy and not apartheid that our struggle stood a better
chance to continue uninterruptedly towards realising all its goals. It was
in this context that our national liberation movement, as headed
organisationally by the ANC, ascended to government.
But then in 1996, two years after our April 1994 democratic breakthrough
and one year after Slovo’s death, the economic policy called Growth,
Employment and Redistribution (Gear) was undemocratically adopted in
government and imposed on society. This marked the beginning of the erosion
of our broad democratic consensus. Inevitably our Alliance was plunged into
disagreements over economic policy immediately after it was made clear that
the Gear policy was cast in stone and non-negotiable. This created tension
within the Alliance for a long period of time.
The SACP mobilised for economic policy change. Cosatu was a reliable ally
in this struggle. It was through this unity of the socialist axis of our
Alliance that we were able to push back plans for a wholesale privatisation
of state-owned enterprises. Principled and programmatic unity in the ranks
of the working class, and among organised workers, remains very important
if the interests and aims of the workers and poor are to be met. It is also
critical that we organise the unorganised workers. This is our message to
organised workers in general and Cosatu and its affiliates in particular on
this occasion.
It was working class unity that ensured that social redistribution based on
the ideas of the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) continued,
nonetheless constrained by conservative fiscal policy of Gear. Further,
Gear did not advance radical economic transformation. It devastated the
working class through its neoliberal shock therapy that occasioned mass
retrenchments and firm closures thus de-industrialising our economy. The
opposing directions of social redistribution on the one hand, and a lack of
radical economic transformation on the other hand, have now reached a
critical point.
The lack of radical economic transformation that was imposed under Gear in
1996 has reached a point where it clearly undermines continued efforts at
social redistribution, particularly any further work to expand on our
post-1994 social redistributive achievements, such as access healthcare,
education, clean water and electricity, decent housing, ensuring a
comprehensive social security and radically reducing class, racial and
gender inequality, unemployment and poverty. While entrenched class
inequality as further articulated along the lines of race, gender and
geography persists and as further widens within race groups, public
resources are struggling to keep pace with the expanding demands of the
people in need or those who cannot afford the ever rising cost of living.
*How should we respond to this situation? *
The first task is to seriously re-assert our revolutionary moral compass
and our values and restore the democratic hegemony of the ANC-headed
democratic forces. To be serious in doing so we must sort out
organisational abuses and excesses and create new boundaries for
compliance, discipline, decisive correction and even punishment.
· We must dismantle all factions starting with the so-called
premier league faction.
· We must rollout a decisive life style audit across all leadership
levels starting with the national leadership as agreed by the Alliance
Political Council.
· We must continue to, and intensify our fight against corporate
capture both within the ranks of our movement and the state, looting of
public resources, corruption and patronage and clean the state.
· We must stop the corruption of membership files including bulk
buying of membership and associated tendencies such as the tendency of
members of other members, the commodification and abuse of the ANC and its
structures that are used as a resource and voting fodder of largely
corrupt syndicates of congresspreneurs.
· We must deal with the tendency of entitlement and impunity of
leadership.
We cannot allow the energy those revolutionaries like Slovo expended in
building our movement, and the efforts we spent campaigning for the main
mass political organisation of the movement to win elections, to be abused
by elitist groupings that serve private corporate, family and individual
interests. It does not matter who is part of those elitist groupings, what
their historical credentials and current positions are – they must be held
to account and if necessary removed from public positions, prosecuted and
imprisoned. No individual is bigger or better than the people as a whole
and the revolution.
This is why our theme for this year, and for state power, is:
*Build mass power, selflessly serve the people exceptionally!*
What does this mean?
First of all, the people, the majority of whom is the working class, must
take their rightful position as the *Number One Arm of the State*.
We need a new national development plan which organically involves the
people both in its formation and implementation. It is now three years and
three months that the ANC-headed Alliance agreed to review the National
Development Plan (NDP) in its current form in line with the genuine
reservations expressed by the SACP and Cosatu on its economic policy
content. The fact that the review has not taken place to this day means
that there is a problem. This year, 2017 is the year of policy within our
movement. The SACP will be convening its 14th National Congress in July,
while the ANC will be convening its 54th National Conference in December.
Our Party Congress will be inspired by the centenary of the Great October
Socialist Revolution, and will discuss our NEW position to the outdated
elements of our ANC-headed Alliance and the question of state power. While
we believe that the Alliance remains strategically important, its modus
operandi is certainly outdated. It is this outdated modus operandi that has
presided over successive National Alliance Summit declarations, agreements
and resolutions not being implemented. This includes the ongoing failure to
review the NDP.
There certainly has to be a revolution in the manner in which the Alliance
is configured. One thing that must be made clear is that the ANC is not in
alliance with itself. The Alliance is made up by independent formations
each with its historical mission and programme. This must be reflected in
its programmatic platform to state power. If we cannot work together taking
into account not just one view but the views of all of us as Alliance
partners then we are as good as no alliance at all.
Most importantly, working class leadership will be central in reconfiguring
the alliance and in taking forward our national democratic revolution to
its logical conclusion to lay the basis for the indispensible advance to
socialism. As we have seen, this will not happen in a library, laboratory,
or in a board room. It will emerge from the real theatre of social change –
that is class struggle.
In 2012 for instance there was an important shift in policy thinking
following the eruption of international capitalist crisis of 2008. This is
where the Alliance’s shared perspective of the need to move our democratic
transition onto a second, more radical phase was endorsed by the ANC. And
let us make this point; the SACP and Cosatu have long been calling for a
radical shift forward in the national democratic revolution. But since 2012
the phrase *second, more radical phase of our democratic transition*
remained an empty shell even after the ANC adopted it. To use another old
saying the phrase remained “Talk is cheap”. The NDP in its current form
predates the perspective of the second radical phase. As a result, it is
not responsive to and does not advance the most important strategic task of
the second radical phase – *i.e. radical economic transformation*. There
was never policy articulation and implementation of the second radical
phase. Only the SACP has made an attempt to work out the details, but there
was no appetite elsewhere.
In 2030 when the term of office of the NDP in its current form ends we will
be 36 years in our democratic transition. At that time we should be far
advanced with the second, more radical phase of our democratic transition
than what the NDP in its current form says. We can wait until then to
review it. As things stand, there is no radical economic transformation in
the NDP. This must change, if not in the meetings of the Alliance then in
the struggle!
Revolutionaries should know that we cannot postpone hunger, sickness,
poverty, homelessness and other urgent social problems. So we need to act
fast and address these matters.
Other policy weaknesses and structural faults continue, and this must
change as well. The national democratic revolution must change everything
that needs to be changed. This is what will reaffirm its character as a
revolution.
*Transform the financial sector to serve the people!*
The financial sector is regulated by over 200 laws that have nothing to do
with ensuring that the sector becomes transformed to serve the people. We
need a simple legal framework governing the banks and the financial sector
as a whole, BUT in a manner that ensures transparency and transformation
towards meeting the objectives of the national democratic revolution. This
is one of the reasons why this year Nedlac (or National Economic
Development and Labour Council) MUST convene the second financial sector
summit. There can be no radical economic transformation without
transforming the financial sector.
As part of the process to drive financial sector transformation, the state
must move decisively and create a state-owned bank and transform the Post
Bank to serve a developmental mandate based on the needs of the people,
particularly the workers and the poor. The regulations that stand in the
way of this change must be changed.
Further, the current paradigm of the banks, in collaboration with corrupted
or incompetent court officials and property companies uncaringly,
unscrupulously and in many instances also illegally evicting our people
from their homes is uncalled for. South Africa has the highest number of
people who are evicted from their homes, by this nexus, outside of a war
situation. The evictions have reached a point where they are as much or
more than apartheid forced removals. The state cannot just fold its arms
and lie idle while our people are being brutalised like this. This includes
instances where a family has obtained a bond to buy a house and for reasons
beyond their control they lose their job or their insurance deserts them as
it frequently happens. Those who obtain bonds to buy a house are still
subjected to the slave mortgage system of 20 years, but those who buy cars
are given a short-term period of only a few years. This must come to an
end. The 20 year mortgage sentence on houses must end.
*State power and its exercise in the context of revolutionary alliance
*
State power is not for its own sake or for the sake of elitist groupings.
The same applies to presidential prerogatives.
The prerogative rights as enshrined in the constitution is bestowed to a
sitting President to exercise in his leadership of our republic. From the
movement’s side, given that we do not have a Presidential system it is
quite fair to opine that it does not literally belong to the President as
an individual. Ours is a party-based system. That is why all our Presidents
were campaigned for by our movement and won elections because of the
collective support of the movement. The President MUST therefore be seen
exercising the prerogatives in the context of party mandate. The same
applies to premiers and mayors, and anyone who holds office mandated by our
movement. The abuse of prerogatives to target those who disagree with
wrongdoing must be dealt a decisive blow.
Prerogative must be seen as a tool that belongs to the revolution. The
President or anyone holding office on behalf of or deployed by our movement
must take care of prerogative rights, exercise its power with caution and
restraint. He must use it to unite, enhance and strengthen the revolution,
not to destroy it. He must refrain from ever abusing it. He must never use
it as a tool for patronage and factional purposes, not even to the members
of the Cabinet because those are not his group of associates or friends but
a revolutionary collective assembled to serve the people. He must guard it
jealously even from his family, his friends, cronies, lackeys and business
associates if he has any.
The reason why state power is the central question of any revolution is so
that it can be used to serve the class interests of the majority of the
people, which is none other than the workers and the poor. State power must
lift the poor out of poverty. State power must create access to productive
work for all to lead a decent life. State power must systemically reduce
and ultimately eliminate inequality – it must not serve as an instrument to
propel some family, or corporate capturers to become billionaires within a
sea of poverty. This is one of the reasons why our forthcoming Party
Congress will focus on the question of policy change and state power. The
Congress will examine the Alliance as it is presently configured and the
role of the SACP as a Party of the Working Class and Socialism.
As we pay tribute to Slovo, we call on you, comrades present here today,
and all revolutionaries to go all out to strengthen our Party and uphold
its independence, to build the ANC, consolidate our revolution and
selflessly serve our people exceptionally!
Long live the revolutionary memory of Joe Slovo, long live!
Long live the Alliance, long live!
Long live the SACP, long live!
Forward to Socialism, forward!
Down with Capitalism, down!
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