http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/Most_of_them_are_proud_to_move_backward/articleshow/2098202.cms

Most of them are proud to move backward

TIMES NEWS NETWORK[ TUESDAY, JUNE 05, 2007 01:22:20 AM]

NEW DELHI: Among other things, India is also unique for being a
country where downward mobility is desirable, even fought for. "It is
to be noted that nowhere else in the world do castes, classes or
communities queue up for the sake of gaining backward status," a
two-judge bench of the Supreme Court had said earlier this year while
staying 27% OBC reservations in central education institutions.

The court was referring to the necessity of the creamy layer principle
in that observation, but its words could as easily be used to describe
the role of reservation politics in getting castes to travel down the
social hierarchy.

The Gurjar agitation in Rajasthan and other parts of northern India,
including the National Capital Region, demonstrates that going up and
coming down the caste ladder no longer carries static meanings for
communities. In fact, they haven't carried such meanings for a while
if the post-Mandal rush for grabbing a 'backward' status is anything
to go by.

The Gurjars' specific demand for being included in the Scheduled Tribe
(ST) list, to reap the benefits of that reservation as opposed to the
benefits of OBC reservations, once again shows that moving up and
coming down the caste hierarchy can happen simultaneously. This might
sound like the beginning of the end of the caste system, but this
process of 'reverse-Sanskritisation' has further strengthened the
caste grid when it has worked successfully.

A comparison between the Gurjars and Tamil Nadu's Vanniyar community
does seem obvious in the context of the violent means being adopted to
achieve this beneficial descent. Karnataka's Lingayats and Vokkaligas
also resorted to violence to get their backward status reinstated when
government constituted commissions removed them from the state OBC
list, former union minister Arun Shourie writes in 'Falling Over
Backwards'.

However, there is one crucial difference between the Gurjars and the
Vanniyars. The Gurjar demand for inclusion in the ST list comes in the
backdrop of opposition from the Meena community—which has been
enjoying the benefits of ST reservation in Rajasthan to date.

The Meenas, who should be equal to the Gurjars socially, are clearly
superior due to their political clout. The Gurjar demand for inclusion
in the ST list is as much an act of becoming equal to Meenas as it a
quest for a bigger chunk of the reservation pie.

In the case of the Vanniyars, the community wanted to be recognised as
a most backward caste (MBC) as distinct from other backward castes in
Tamil Nadu. The Vanniyars, under the leadership of the PMK Chief Dr S
Ramadoss, who then led the Vanniyar Sangham, demanded a 20%
reservation for the community claiming that it constituted one-fifth
of the state's population.

That in turn opened the door for numerous other castes to follow suit
and ended with Chief Minister M Karunanidhi announcing a 20%
reservation for MBCs in 1989 — a category which included his own Isai
Vellalar caste along with the Vaniyars. The following years saw
Dravidian parties lose a share of their votes to one-caste outfits
such as the PMK. The Vanniyar party is now projecting itself as a
competitor to the DMK which has a more pan-OBC appeal. The Vanniyar
quest for identity was not to equal but to be to distinguished from
the others by becoming 'more backward'. This could be seen as the next
step for organised groups who enjoy reservations. This progression,
however, has only served to reinforce caste divisions. In Tamil Nadu,
as in other parts of India, the entrenchment of caste has led to
clashes between the OBC/MBCs and the Dalits with the former clearly
being the more powerful.


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