http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Opinion/Editorial/LEADER_ARTICLE_When_Myths_Compete/articleshow/2423007.cms


LEADER ARTICLE: When Myths Compete
3 Oct 2007, 0000 hrs IST


It is tempting to read Karunanidhi's remarks on Ram and the Ramayana
as a return to DMK's rationalist origins. In the heyday of the
Dravidian movement, Periyar E V Ramasami Naicker, ideologue and mentor
of the movement, singled out Ram for special treatment. He read the
Ram katha as a political allegory that sought to preserve the social
and political hegemony of Brahmanism.


This critique of Ramayana, in itself a new mythology, was polemics at
its best. It sought to undermine the sacredness of the text. Periyar
was not merely criticising a sacred text, but he was attacking the
cultural space of the ruling elite, the Brahmins. It was caste war as
culture war. The battering of the Ram legend and worship was a small,
but crucial, part of a larger political battle for radical social
transformation.


The politics that informed Periyar's critique of Ram is absent in
today's Tamil Nadu politics. However, the rhetoric used by the likes
of Periyar continues to shape the political discourse in the state.
The form has been preserved, but at the cost of content. Karunanidhi,
and most politicians in Tamil Nadu, are guilty of practising such
politics.


What explains Karunanidhi's attempts to join issue with the sangh
parivar on the Ram issue? It is difficult to read the response purely
in ideological terms because of DMK's record in dealing with the sangh
parivar. The party had an alliance with BJP in the state and the
Centre from 1999 to 2003. The Vajpayee cabinet included Murasoli
Maran, a close
relative of Karunanidhi who was also a key strategist. DMK ministers
did not resign from NDA government even when the Gujarat pogroms took
place. The alliance with BJP was explained as suiting DMK's interests.


Self-interest could well have played a role this time as well. As M S
S Pandian wrote in these columns, Ram does not arouse passions in
Tamil Nadu. He is not central to the imagination of most practising
Hindus in the state. Targeting Ram may not lead to a consolidation of
Hindu votes against DMK and allies in the state. But Ram is central to
the politics of BJP even in Tamil Nadu. Predictably, BJP is upset with
DMK. As leaders fight a war of words, the Sethusamudram project has
become the talking point. BJP stands accused of stalling a project
that is beneficial to Tamil Nadu.


The Sethusamudram project has been billed as the miracle solution for
the economic development of southern Tamil Nadu. Can AIADMK, the main
opposition to DMK in the state, share the platform with BJP on this
issue of Tamil pride? Can it risk an electoral alliance with BJP in
the event of a snap poll to Lok Sabha? Karunanidhi, with his
calculated gambit, has set the agenda.


Others are only reacting to DMK's moves.DMK's rhetoric is instructive
about the nature of contemporary political discourse in Tamil Nadu. In
some ways, it is derived from the practices set by the Dravidian
movement, like the use of mass media and entertainment to get the
message across. In the 1930s and '40s, street processions would be
taken out to lampoon Brahmins and their gods. These were essentially
political mobilisations and high on emotive content. So were the
anti-Hindi protests during the 1960s when self-immolation seemed a
legitimate form of dissent.


These protests were ideological in nature — anti-Brahmanism and
pro-regional nationalism — but they were essentially spectacles, not
mere protests. The pattern of mobilisation has continued, but ideology
has given way to irrational admiration for the leader.


The dilution of ideology in Tamil Nadu politics began in the 1970s
after DMK split. MGR as chief minister sought to live his screen image
of the benevolent hero. He believed in populist gestures to shore up
the base of AIADMK, the party he formed after parting ways with DMK.
Karunanidhi and Jayalalithaa have also endorsed the brand of patronage
politics initiated by MGR.


The inheritors of the Dravidian movement find it a convenient option
because the non-Brahmin social alliance that emerged from the
Dravidian movement has disintegrated. Backward castes are emerging as
the new social and economic elite. Under the non-Brahmin umbrella, new
caste-based parties pose a challenge to DMK and AIADMK. Dalits are
organising themselves outside the dominant political set-up as they
see the backward castes as oppressors in rural Tamil Nadu.


DMK and AIADMK have failed to resolve these contradictions because
they did not complete the political project
initiated by Periyar. His self-respect agenda was not only about
capturing political power, but also the creation of a rational and
egalitarian society. The project was abandoned once DMK and AIADMK won
office.


The two parties have sought to contain the new divides in the polity,
first, by building electoral alliances with caste-based outfits, and,
two, by keeping alive the issue of Tamil pride. The latter, a form of
identity politics with the stress on language and ethnicity, is
championed by these parties because it can subsume caste and class
contradictions.


It helps subvert debates on social and economic issues.The big two of
Tamil Nadu, especially while holding office, are always searching for
agendas that can neutralise social and economic divides. The
Sethusamudram controversy is pitched as an issue of Tamil pride.
Genuine concerns about the project's economic viability and impact on
environment and livelihood have been purposefully ignored. Rhetoric
has already got the better of rational inquiry. Two mythologies, one
of the sangh parivar and the other of Karunanidhi, are currently
dictating the agenda.


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