http://www.economist.com/opinion/displaystory.cfm?story_id=9905554

Indian business

Untouchable and unthinkable
Oct 4th 2007
>From The Economist print edition

Hiring quotas would not help lower-caste Indians and would harm business

AFPBUSINESSES in India are used to bad government. Indeed, this
hardship has proved perversely useful: through coping with rotten
infrastructure, throttling labour laws and mutable investment
policies, many world-class Indian companies have emerged. A proposal
to force firms to hire more workers from the dregs of Hinduism's caste
system (see article) would be different. It would be a disaster.

India's long history of affirmative action springs from decent
instincts. The caste system is possibly the world's ugliest social
system. And it is sanctified by India's largest religion: according to
the Laws of Manu, an ancient Hindu text, anybody from the lower orders
who has the temerity to mention the name of a higher caste should have
a red-hot nail thrust into his mouth; if he makes the mistake of
telling a brahmin what to do, he gets hot oil poured into his ears and
mouth.

Fortunately, India has moved on a bit since then. But socially and
economically the place is still sharply stratified. Upper castes get a
far larger share of good jobs than do lower castes; dalits—or
untouchables—get virtually none. Which is why, soon after
independence, India's government used affirmative action to try to
redress the balance; and why calls for that action to be extended to
business are so loud.

Affirmative action necessarily has a cost, both in fairness to those
who in its absence would qualify for jobs and educational
opportunities that they are denied, and consequently in efficiency.
Still, if it went a long way to righting a big historical wrong, that
might be justifiable.

But that hasn't happened in India. Nearly a quarter of university
places and public-sector jobs have been reserved for dalits and tribal
people since 1950; and, in 1993, a successor government handed a
further quarter over to "other backward classes". Yet there is no
evidence that this has made any difference to the fortunes of the
lower orders. They have certainly been getting richer—but, over the
past two decades, at almost exactly the same rate as the rest of the
population.

What's more, the policy has had dangerous side-effects. Cynical
politicians promise their fellow caste members more jobs and
university places. Reservation inflation has therefore been on the
rise, infuriating the losers. As a result, battles over reservations
have become a common source of riots, and politics has thus become
increasingly polarised along caste lines.

Extending into the private sector a policy that has been a disaster in
the public sector is lunacy. This must be clear to India's prime
minister, Manmohan Singh. As finance minister in the early 1990s, he
started dismantling a system of industrial quotas, thus unleashing the
economy. He should understand better than anyone the likely effect of
introducing a quota on people. Yet he has been threatening to impose
penalties on companies that don't hire more low caste workers.

Don't blame business
Reservations in companies would not just damage business. They would
also distract attention from the real source of the problem.
Responsibility for lower castes' lack of advancement does not lie with
the private sector. There is no evidence that companies discriminate
against them. The real culprit is government, and the rotten
educational system it has created.

Originally, reservations were supposed to be needed only for a decade.
After that, it was reckoned, they would be unnecessary, because
primary education would be universally available. Nearly six decades
on, it is not. And the quality of much of India's higher education is
execrable. By one reckoning, only a quarter of engineering graduates,
the raw material of a booming computer-services industry, are
employable. The government should concentrate on sorting out schools
and universities, not piling new burdens on business.

There's another effective weapon against ancient prejudices: growth.
As Indians get richer, their caste biases fade. Middle-class urban
Indians are less likely to marry within their caste than the rural
poor, and less likely to wrinkle their noses at a dalit. Happily, the
ranks of the middle class are swelling in a fast-expanding economy—for
which India has its businessmen to thank. Hobbling them with quotas
will only make it harder for them to help the country change.


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