Muddled on forex for infrastructure
  
  By Arvind Panagariya
  Economic Times | January 12, 2005
  http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/987668.cms


The best economists of India, both inside and outside the 
government, are locked in a fierce debate on the proposal for 
swapping infrastructure for foreign exchange reserves, put forth by 
the Planning Commission (PC). 

A key concern raised in the debate is that dollars can be spent only 
on imports while infrastructure largely requires the acquisition of 
domestic resources. Careful analysis reveals, however, that at least 
this concern is without foundation: the import intensity of 
infrastructure is virtually irrelevant to the final outcome! 

Thus, consider first an infrastructure project, say, a $5 billion 
prefabricated power station, which can be wholly imported. For 
simplicity, let the exchange rate be Rs 50 per dollar. Under the PC 
scheme, the government of India (GoI) borrows Rs 250 billion from 
the market in return for securities of equal value and uses the 
rupees to buy $5 billion. 

Simultaneously, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) sells $5 billion in 
return for Rs 250 billion and uses the rupees to buy the GoI 
securities of equal value. 

The net outcome of these transactions is the acquisition of $5 
billion by the GoI in return for securities worth Rs 250 billion 
from the RBI with no change in money supply. The GoI uses the $5 
billion to import the power station. 

These transactions leave the rest of the economy entirely untouched. 
Not counting the power station, all macroeconomic variables, namely, 
investment, output, incomes, prices and the exchange rate remain 
unchanged. 

The changes that do take place are the direct result of the 
transactions that put the power station in place: the current-
account deficit rises by $5 billion (import of the power station), 
the capital-account surplus declines by the same amount (loss of 
reserves) and the fiscal deficit and debt rise by Rs 250 billion 
(securities issued by the GoI and now held by the RBI). 

Next, consider a water-supply project that costs Rs 250 billion and 
exclusively uses domestic resources. As before, let the GoI acquire 
$5 billion in exchange for 
securities worth 250 billion from the RBI. The GoI then sells these 
dollars for rupees in the market, uses the rupees to acquire 
productive resources worth Rs 250 billion and completes the water-
supply project. 

Remarkably, the final outcome in this case turns out to be virtually 
identical to the one achieved in the power station example. Thus, 
observe that the GoI actions just described leave the private 
economy with two imbalances: it is now short of productive resources 
worth Rs 250 billion and has an excess of $5 billion in cash. 

How are these imbalances corrected? Private economy reduces the 
output of tradable goods requiring productive resources worth Rs 250 
billion and obtains the same through extra imports using the extra 
$5 billion it holds. 

These changes restore the economy's equilibrium: it has released 
resources required for the water-supply project, has the same supply 
of goods as before and no extra dollars. With money supply 
unchanged, the price level remains unchanged as well. No change 
occurs in the GDP, incomes, consumption levels or exchange rate. 

Thus, unless the production of tradable goods over infrastructure is 
valued in itself, the import intensity of infrastructure projects 
turns out to be entirely irrelevant to the PC proposal. By the same 
token, the assertion by the PC that trade liberalisation (wholly 
desirable in its own right) will have to be an integral part its 
package also proves to be based on faulty reasoning. 

What, then, are the substantive objections to the proposal? Fiscal 
fundamentalists would be quick to point out that it entails raising 
the GoI fiscal deficit and debt. 

Infrastructure hawks would respond that the return on the 
infrastructure projects is higher so that the future income streams 
from them can more than compensate for the extra interest on the RBI-
held securities. 

Fiscal fundamentalists would counter that the increase in the GoI 
debt, which is already large, would make the financial markets 
within and outside India jittery: the latter may judge the return 
from infrastructure projects to be lower and more uncertain. 

They may also see the larger deficit as a signal that the GoI is 
becoming further reckless in its spending behaviour. The 
infrastructure hawks would, no doubt, respond that the cost is still 
worth the benefit from better infrastructure. There is room for 
disagreement between reasonable individuals on this issue. 

But the story does not end here. Sectoral ministries around the 
world are notoriously unappreciative of the hard-budget constraint 
the government as a whole (reads finance ministry) faces. 

This was graphically illustrated recently when the outgoing World 
Bank president visited India and much to the embarrassment of the 
Indian public virtually all infrastructure ministries � power, 
railway, roads and water resources � lined up to file requests for 
their favourite projects that added to a staggering $19 billion. 

It was as if the World Bank was going to give the money away with no 
future liability to repay the principal and interest. 

Given this political economy, handing the purse strings of the RBI's 
foreign exchange reserves to the PC risks softening further a budget 
constraint that sectoral ministries already view as soft. 

Therefore, the GoI must finance infrastructure like any other public 
investment or expenditure and not create the illusion that the RBI 
holds a pot of gold ready to be raided at will. It must also leave 
the RBI alone to manage the country's foreign exchange reserves, 
money supply and the exchange rate. 

As a last point, it is puzzling why, at a time when the RBI is 
rapidly accumulating reserves to avoid a large appreciation of the 
rupee, the government continues to borrow large sums abroad. 

The World Bank and ADB are now lending directly to the states, whose 
view of the budget constraint is not unlike that of the sectoral 
ministries. Will it not be prudent to place a temporary moratorium 
on official borrowing and start repaying the past loans more 
rapidly? 

(The author is a professor at Columbia University)  
 








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