Bush banks all on the 'J curve' effect 

  By PROF SIR DONALD MACKAY|28 Feb, 2005
  http://business.scotsman.com/index.cfm?id=221362005


BY FAR the biggest challenges facing the world economy are the 
growing financial imbalances within and between the developed 
economies and, collectively, the large trade balance between them 
and the rapidly growing Asian economies. If not corrected by 
sensible policy responses, then they will be corrected by a good 
deal of economic pain all round. So, what needs to be done, by whom? 

The answer lies in the three "Rs" - retrenchment by the United 
States, revaluation by China and reform by the European Union. 
Waiting for the latter is rather like Waiting for Godot and just as 
unproductive. As for China, she will take her time. So, for the 
immediate future at least, we are heavily dependent on the US. 

The huge US fiscal and trade deficits dwarf the financial deficits 
of the other major economies. And over the past three years the 
dollar has been weakening against the other major currencies. This 
is part of a necessary cure for the deficit problem. But fiscal 
retrenchment is now a matter between the president and Congress. 
This has to be addressed in the short and long term if the deficits 
are to be corrected. 

In economics, as in foreign policy, President George Bush appears 
the true son of Ronald Reagan, not his father who, you might recall, 
dubbed Reagan-omics as "voodoo economics". The younger Bush has 
raised government expenditure and cut taxes. In consequence, as the 
accompanying diagram demonstrates, the substantial fiscal surplus he 
inherited from 2000 has been turned into an even larger deficit and 
the current account deficit is now close to 6 per cent of GDP. 

Under the Bush presidency, as under Reagan, the fiscal deficit has 
ballooned, due to higher government expenditure and lower tax rates. 
However, Bush did inherit an economy teetering on the edge of 
recession and it required an additional fiscal stimulus, not-
withstanding the pre-existing trade deficit. 

The Reaganomics part of this was the cut in tax rates (now to be 
extended into the future) rather than depending solely on raising 
government expenditure, as per the style adopted in the UK. The tax 
cuts do appear to have had a favourable impact on tax revenue. This 
held up better than expected in the past year and the US recovery 
appears robust and ongoing. Moreover, without the US acting as a 
recovery engine, the world economy would be in a much greater mess. 

Yet the US cannot go on running a trade deficit on the current 
scale. The first part of the necessary corrective action is already 
in place - the US Treasury Secretary has gamely prattled on about 
the administration's commitment to a strong dollar but the first 
requirement for correcting a large trade deficit is a weaker 
currency. This past three years against the euro (representing the 
main trading party to the US), the dollar has fallen by a third and, 
on a wider trade-weighted basis, it has fallen by roughly half of 
this amount. 

Will this work? Initially a weaker dollar will worsen the trade 
balance. Imports cost more and exports cost less in US dollars but 
volumes adjust more slowly than prices. This is a well-known 
phenomenon, called the "J curve". The balance of trade worsens as 
the economy slides down the downward part of the curve and, then, as 
import volumes grow more slowly and export volumes rise more 
quickly, the trade balance improves as the economy moves to the 
upward sloping segment of the "J curve". 

The sceptics are not impressed. They point out that this is the 
mother and father of all "J curves". In November 2004, the US 
recorded its highest ever trade deficit. This was more than offset 
in November by a large inflow of capital in US bonds and equities. 
Yet, this is only sustainable if foreign investors believe that 
appropriate action will be taken to reduce financial imbalances. 

To date there is no convincing evidence that the policy is working. 
Nor can the policy work unless measures are taken to correct the 
huge fiscal deficit. 

With the economy close to full employment, it is necessary to reduce 
the fiscal deficit to create the capacity for exports to grow and 
import substitution to occur. And here we are particularly dependent 
on Bush; only he has the political clout to achieve the appropriate 
degree of fiscal restraint. 

So the deficits problem is as much a question of political economy 
as it is a question of economics. In his budget proposals to 
Congress, Bush has proposed the abolition or reductions in 150 
expenditure programmes. 

Last time round, he proposed to eliminate 65 programmes and managed 
to get rid of only four, so why should we believe he will be more 
successful now? The short answer is that the president appears 
determined to reduce the deficit in his second period in office and 
has the political muscle to do it. 

Moreover, in addition to the essentially short-term proposals 
contained in his budget proposals, he is determined to reform social 
security through private retirement accounts. These offer greater 
individual choice, including the need to avoid buying expensive 
annuities that cannot be passed on to the next generation. 

He is also on the side of the angels in pointing out what should be 
self-evident to the richer industrial economies of the west. This is 
that our population dynamics - above all, a fall in the ratio of 
workers to pensioners - will demand that state pensions become less 
generous relative to employment incomes and/or that the average 
retirement age rises. 

Bush faces an electorate which, relative to the more short-sighted 
electorates of western Europe, is rather better at figuring out the 
need to take a long-term view of social security issues. If he is to 
win through he will need to show real progress on four domestic 
issues. 

First, the budget must begin to slow the loss of red ink. Second, 
the trade balance must begin to respond along the upward slope of 
the "J curve". Third, progress must be made in reforming the US 
social security system. Fourth, the US economy must continue to 
grow. 

My betting is that Bush will secure greater fiscal restraint and 
that, on the monetary side, Alan Greenspan, at the Federal Reserve, 
will continue to tighten interest rates. If so, the dollar seems 
unlikely to continue to fall against sterling and our exchange rate 
may come under pressure. But, be warned, there is no good economic 
model for predicting exchange rates. 

� Prof Sir Donald MacKay is chairman of Scottish Mortgage Investment 
Trust










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