What do yuant from us?
  As protectionist sentiment grows in Europe and America, China faces 
increasing pressure to revalue its currency. Domestic financial 
considerations are also making a revaluation look more attractive. 
But the road to a freer regime for the yuan is full of potential 
pitfalls, and Beijing is reluctant to be seen caving in to foreign 
pressure 
  
  The Economist | May 20th 2005 
  For photograph and source of the articles please visit
  http://www.economist.com/agenda/PrinterFriendly.cfm?
Story_ID=3982328 


To hear American and European officials talk, you might think China 
was flooding their countries with toxic waste, instead of affordable 
consumer goods. Both the European Commission and the American 
Congress have begun proceedings to protect their citizens from the 
threat of cheap Chinese textiles. Both are unhappy with the effect of 
China's currency peg to the dollar�America because it makes 
inexpensive Chinese goods even cheaper, and Europe because the euro 
is having to bear the brunt of the dollar's depreciation. On Tuesday 
May 17th, America's Treasury gave warning that unless China relaxes 
its peg, it is likely to be classified as a currency manipulator. In 
Congress, a proposal is afoot to slap punitive tariffs on Chinese 
goods unless the yuan is revalued within six months. Such moves are 
sufficiently worrying that on Friday the official Xinhua news agency 
reported that China would impose export tariffs on its own textiles 
starting in June, presumably to ward off more draconian measures 
abroad.

While the political logic of tariffs is clear, the reasons for 
pressuring China to revalue are less so. China's currency peg, at 
around 8.28 to the dollar, is widely believed to be keeping the yuan 
undervalued by 15-40%, making Chinese exports artificially cheap. But 
it also subsidises a great deal of America's profligate spending. In 
order to maintain the peg, China is forced to buy loads of dollars, 
which are then dumped into US Treasury bonds, financing America's 
hefty deficits. A sudden decline in Chinese demand for Treasuries 
would raise America's borrowing costs, curbing Congress's ability to 
dole out pork to constituents. Some economists fear that this would 
push interest rates up sharply enough to cause a sharp contraction in 
the debt markets (including the mortgages that are fuelling America's 
housing boom) and the economy�though this is unlikely, since the 
Chinese government seems keen to ensure that any appreciation occurs 
gradually.

If it is hard to tell whether American politicians are just 
blustering to impress their constituents or really mean it, it is 
even harder to tell what effect their remarks are having. The markets 
are abuzz with talk of imminent yuan revaluation, but such hopes have 
surfaced many times before, and the Chinese government has so far 
disappointed. Last week the People's Daily, an English-language 
Chinese paper, reported surprisingly specific plans to revalue the 
currency, only to quickly retract its story, claiming a translation 
error. However, some observers wondered if the publication had in 
fact been used by the Chinese government to test the waters. 

Certainly, the head of China's central bank has recently been making 
noises that sound an awful lot like "revaluation". But other 
officials are reluctant to tamper with a peg that they perceive to be 
working well. This week Wen Jiabao, China's prime minister, thundered 
that his country would not bow to outside pressure on the yuan. 
Indeed, many think that hotter rhetoric from American politicians 
will only make China delay any revaluation plans it is working on. 
Having enacted export tariffs in response to protectionist 
politicians on both sides of the Atlantic, China might now be even 
more reluctant to relax its peg, for fear of being seen buckling 
under foreign demands.

Revaluation certainly looks tricky for the Chinese government. It 
believes that for the sake of political and social stability, it 
needs 15m-20m new jobs a year. Increases at that level will be enough 
to absorb population growth, plus displaced workers from the 
agricultural sector and China's ailing state-owned firms. And the 
export sector is seen as a crucial vehicle of job creation. 

But this is not the only reason that Chinese politicians are 
reluctant to revalue. By some estimates, as much as three-quarters of 
China's foreign-currency reserves are held in dollars; if the central 
bank allows the yuan to rise against the dollar, it will also in 
effect be allowing the value of its reserves to depreciate. Moreover, 
if slowing the flood of dollars that China's central bank is pouring 
into American debt markets does cause those markets�and the American 
economy�to contract, China's exporting firms will have worse problems 
than a more expensive yuan. And problems for those firms could 
translate into big trouble for China's frail banking system.

On the other hand, revaluation has its advantages. In order 
to "sterilise" its foreign-currency operations, preventing them from 
causing domestic inflation, China's central bank has been issuing 
domestic securities. These have been stuffed into the banking system, 
which may be reaching the limits of its ability to absorb such 
infusions. Revaluation would ease this problem. 

It would also mean that monetary policy could focus more on 
controlling the money supply, less on maintaining the currency peg. 
With economic growth hovering close to double-digit levels, fears of 
an overheating economy, and the attending inflation, are coming to 
the fore. And because per-capita GDP is so low�only $1,226 in 2004�
large swathes of the population are vulnerable to even small 
increases in inflation; price instability could quickly become 
political instability. But China's capital controls and currency peg 
make monetary policy much harder to execute.

As pressures are growing at home, so they are mounting in America, 
where all those cheap goods, and cheap loans, are fuelling a buying 
binge that cannot last. America's national savings rate has already 
plunged to razor-thin levels, and each passing month of spending more 
than they earn leaves households more vulnerable to a sharp rise in 
interest rates when the Chinese stop lending. Despite the immediate 
political fallout, it looks like both America and China would be 
better off taking their medicine now, rather than dragging things out 
in the hope that a miracle will intervene.

Don't expect too much
But even if China does revalue, it will not be the salvation that 
American politicians are praying for. First, it is highly unlikely 
that the yuan will be allowed to rise very far; even optimists expect 
a revaluation only in the range of 3-10%, which will still leave the 
currency seriously undervalued.

Moreover, the effects of a relaxed peg on America's current-account 
deficit will be extremely modest. China accounts for less than one-
tenth of America's trade, so even a 10% revaluation would only reduce 
the trade-weighted value of the dollar by 1%�not enough to produce 
any noticeable change in America's current account. Nor is it clear 
that even a big revaluation would help much. Morris Goldstein of the 
Institute for International Economics estimates that even a 25% 
revaluation would reduce the current-account deficit by less than 5%.

Nonetheless, China seems to be preparing the way for a slightly freer 
currency. This week it allowed some foreign currencies to be traded 
against each other for the first time in China. This is widely seen 
as a preparation for reform of the tightly controlled currency 
regime. And if a revaluation seems unlikely to please America's 
protectionist politicians, it should nonetheless help to correct the 
imbalances caused by the gaping American current-account deficit, if 
only by weaning America's spendthrift consumers�and government�off 
cheap Chinese credit. If the hour of reckoning is not quite at hand, 
it seems only a matter of time before China's financial system, and 
America's borrowers, begin to grow up.






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