Farm support's deep roots
  A new report from the OECD indicates that progress on reducing 
agricultural subsidies in the rich world has been glacial. Unless 
governments get tough with their powerful farming lobbies and cut 
their supports, farm subsidies could stymie further progress on 
world trade liberalisation
  
  The Economist |  Jun 22nd 2005 
  See Graphs and Charts at
  http://www.economist.com/agenda/PrinterFriendly.cfm?
Story_ID=A00673 

Literature about farming often gushes about living in harmony with 
the eternal rhythms of nature. "Eternal" certainly seems the right 
word to describe the generous subsidies that rich-world farmers 
enjoy. For a group whose population is rapidly shrinking, and whose 
products have been declining in value for centuries, farmers wield 
an astonishing amount of political power. Though farm subsidies are 
the bane of liberal and conservative economists alike, farmers have 
survived decades of trade liberalisation almost unscathed, and may 
well emerge from the current Doha round of World Trade Organisation 
(WTO) negotiations with little alteration to their pampered 
existence. 

A new report, released by the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation 
and Development (OECD) on Tuesday June 21st, shows just how little 
progress has been made on liberalising agriculture over the past two 
decades. While the value of farm protection in OECD countries has 
fallen from 37% of farm receipts in 1986-88 to 30% in 2002-04, 
progress has faltered since the late 1990s. The OECD estimates that 
the value of support to its producers was a staggering $279 billion 
in 2004.

There is, though, wide variation between OECD members. Producer 
support is worth less than 5% of farm receipts in New Zealand and 
Australia, but amounts to roughly 20% throughout North America, 34% 
in the European Union, and a whopping 60% in Japan. And while the 
overall value of support has fallen from 2.3% of GDP in 1986-88 to 
1.2% now, the reductions have been uneven (see chart above). Canada 
and Mexico have made deep cuts in their farm supports, for instance, 
while Turkey has actually increased its supports.

While progress on reducing support levels may be painfully slow, 
most governments have managed to reduce the more distorting kinds of 
protections. Instead of subsidies tied to production levels, which 
were responsible for the infamous mountains of butter and lakes of 
wine that used to plague European agriculture officials, countries 
are slowly moving towards compensation based on acreage or 
historical support levels. In 1986-88, the majority of OECD 
countries had 90% or more of their support programmes linked to 
either current outputs or inputs; that number has now fallen below 
75% in most of Europe, though it remains above 90% in Japan and 
South Korea.

But agricultural policies in rich countries still distort markets at 
home and abroad. Worse, they hurt the poor. Price-support mechanisms 
make domestic consumers pay more for their food, hitting low-income 
families the hardest. And for farmers in poor countries, OECD 
agricultural policies are disastrous. If those farmers aren't being 
kept out of export markets by quotas or tariffs, they are being 
undercut in domestic markets by heavily subsidised produce from the 
developed world. While some have argued that rich-world subsidies 
are a net boon to poor countries because they provide cheap food to 
the masses, in those countries the poorest are often rural farmers, 
whose lives would be improved by higher prices for their products.

Even where distortions have been reduced, legislators have passed up 
the opportunity to tailor supports to specific beneficiaries or 
policy goals, such as environmental protection. Instead, new 
programmes have mostly been drawn along broad lines, the better to 
maintain the political support of farmers. Payments for acres of 
land or head of cattle may be better than compensation based on 
bushels of wheat or gallons of milk, but they still distort the 
economy, and give farmers incentive to cultivate marginal land.

Farm power
Europe, in particular, is struggling with its cosseted and deeply 
entrenched farm lobby. France has historically been the biggest 
obstacle to reform; almost half its area is farmland, and its 
farmers defend their subsidies vigorously. Thanks to such 
obstructionism, the EU's common agricultural policy (CAP) accounts 
for nearly half of its overall budget, even though only 4% of its 
population still works the land. Though there has been some modest 
progress on reform in recent years, disputes over the CAP are still 
acrimonious. A row over its funding was the main reason for the 
collapse of the EU summit in Brussels last week.

America's agricultural mollycoddling is less egregious, but 
egregious it still is, and the farm lobby is just as determined to 
keep the money flowing. In 1996, Bill Clinton signed a farm bill 
that was supposed to lead to the gradual elimination of agricultural 
protections. Mr Clinton is long gone, but the protections aren't—
indeed, the 2002 farm package signed into law by George Bush nearly 
doubled the level of federal subsidy. 

This has not bought Mr Bush peace with the farm lobbies, however. 
Sugar growers are currently working overtime to derail the Central 
American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), which the president is trying 
to get through Congress before the July 4th holiday. Though other 
agricultural producers are actually supporting the agreement, the 
sugar lobby has a good chance of picking off enough Republican 
legislators to defeat it.

CAFTA is too small to make much difference to the American economy 
one way or the other, though passing it would give a huge boost to 
the other countries in the agreement. But politically, failing to 
pass CAFTA would be a deep blow to the Bush administration. And if 
the administration cannot manage to pass a small regional trade 
pact, prospects will look a lot dimmer for securing a substantial 
new agreement in the Doha round. 

Nonetheless, the OECD is looking to the WTO for further progress on 
subsidies. A hopeful sign is that agricultural protections are 
beginning to be disputed at the WTO. Since last year Brazil has won 
WTO challenges against American cotton subsidies and EU sugar 
protections, on the ground that they far exceed established limits. 
This week the EU announced plans to cut its sugar subsidies by 39%, 
despite stiff resistance from uncompetitive European producers. Now 
that the Uruguay round's "peace clause", which protected farm 
subsidies from challenge provided they did not exceed 1992 levels, 
has expired, rich-world subsidies are vulnerable to further 
onslaught.

But a successful challenge at the WTO does not guarantee the rapid 
dismantling of farm supports. More than a year after being told to 
scrap its cotton subsidies, the Bush administration still hasn't put 
forward a plan palatable to both its own producers and those in 
Brazil, which is threatening to retaliate by removing patent and 
copyright protection for American products. Perhaps farmers can be 
forgiven for thinking that they have eternity on their side.







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