The Loan Rangers Eye the Capital Markets

 

by Nina Mehta, Contributing Editor, FENews 

 

http://www.fenews.com/fen40/inside_black_box/black_box.html

 

Long, long ago, in 1976, an economics professor in Bangladesh dispensed 
a total of $27 in small loans to 42 impoverished people caught in the 
clutches of moneylenders. As banks refused to loan money to poor people, 
Muhammad Yunus continued lending, was repaid, and in 1983 formed 
Grameen Bank. Since then the bank has disbursed $4.3 billion in microloans to 
people too poor, remote, or uncollateralized for traditional banks. 
Impressed by the now legendary success of the Bangladeshi professor who 
trained as an economist at Vanderbilt University, other groups and 
institutions got into the game, adapting his model of lending to the needs of 
the poor and “unbanked” in other parts of the world.

Yunus didn’t invent the field of microfinance. Social cooperatives, 
credit unions, and other forms of collective lending already existed. But 
he helped change the goal of what is now known as microfinance. The 
goal became to help reduce poverty by providing credit and other financial 
services to the poor, and to do so commercially -- that is, at a profit 
-- so that the overall enterprise could be financially sustainable.

Microfinance initially revolved around the extension of credit to the 
self-employed poor. But the poor, like the rich and the middling 
well-off, also need access to savings, insurance, money-transfer facilities 
and long-term housing loans. So while microfinance currently means a $100 
loan to a Croatian seamstress so she can expand her business, or a $350 
loan and a savings account for a Bolivian couple starting a roadside 
restaurant, it could -- eventually -- include crop insurance for a 
migrant sorghum farmer in Burkino Faso.

What does all this mean for Wall Street? At the moment, not much. But 
that may not be true in five or 10 years. Investments in microfinance 
can generate handsome, reliable returns for “patient money,” says Martin 
Holtmann, a lead microfinance specialist at the Consultative Group to 
Assist the Poor, a consortium of 28 multilateral development agencies 
and foundations that’s housed in the World Bank. “This is an important 
and pretty professional business, with great assets behind it,” he adds.

The microfinance industry took off in the 1980s and ’90s as people saw 
that the self-employed poor repaid their loans at rates that would give 
a commercial loan officer pause. Repayment rates of 97 percent or 98 
percent were not unusual. But as the industry has grown, cracks have 
appeared. The high repayment rate hasn’t always been what it seemed since 
some microfinance institutions, or MFIs, rolled over delinquent loans 
rather than writing them down. Many informal, badly run MFIs that failed 
to manage their portfolios have drifted out of existence. 

However, this isn’t alarming in an emerging industry -- or emerging 
asset class, as some call the microfinance industry. On the contrary, 
efforts to highlight inefficiencies are now encouraging new and better 
credit scoring techniques and loan-loss provisioning. There is also a 
movement toward more rigorous international accounting standards for 
commercial MFIs and a gradual shift toward more reliable performance metrics.

Another reason Wall Street may well eventually take an interest in 
microfinance is that returns from microloans are uncorrelated with returns 
from other asset classes. In June 1998, at the height of Indonesia’s 
banking crisis, for instance, nonperforming loans represented up to 60 
percent of the total loan portfolio in Indonesia’s banking sector, while 
the portfolio at risk was under 6 percent at Bank Rakyat Indonesia. BRI 
is the world’s largest MFI, with 3.1 million active microborrowers and 
a gross loan portfolio of $1.7 billion. MFIs in other countries have 
shown similar resilience in the face of events that impact mainstream 
loan portfolios more severely.

Microfinance is also likely to take root for other reasons. Regional 
retail banks can expand their customer base through microloans. Those 
being mainstreamed into the financial system through small loans and the 
provision of savings accounts will in three, five or 20 years from now 
require more -- not fewer -- financial services. For some retail banks, 
bringing poor clients into the fold can be a low-cost way of building 
brand loyalty. Interest in microfinance is also bubbling up in business 
schools in Costa Rica, the Philippines and South Africa. Meanwhile, 
graduate students at Columbia University, the University of Michigan, 
UCLA, and the Wharton School are forming “microfinance clubs” to explore 
issues and challenges within the industry, says Leslie Barcus, president 
of the Microfinance Management Institute, formed in 2003 by the Open 
Society Institute and CGAP. 

In recent years the goal of the larger and more long-term microfinance 
players has been clear, if not always simple: to move the industry away 
from donor funds and toward commercial funds, to make MFIs more 
efficient and transparent, and to help MFIs access local capital markets in 
order to leverage their funds. On a more macro level, the purpose of the 
effort is to lower the hem of the banking industry so that it covers a 
larger portion of the approximately six billion “unbanked” individuals 
around the world, whose lower echelons include the poor and the very 
poor -- the target audience of most MFIs.

To do this, MFIs must reach for more commercial sources of funding and 
become more mainstream, regulated entities. This is starting to happen. 
Many nongovernmental organizations that have expanded their balance 
sheets and become self-sustaining have moved away from their donor-funded 
origins and transitioned into banks or some form of regulated financial 
institution. This is particularly true in Latin America, where MFIs on 
average have been around longer and where the microfinance market is 
more developed than in, say, Asia or Africa. Peru’s Mibanco, which began 
life as an NGO, became a private commercial bank in 1998. Financiera 
Compartamos, founded in 1990 as an NGO in Mexico, became a finance 
company three years ago. Bolivia’s PRODEM, formerly a nonprofit MFI, 
reconstituted itself in 1999 as a regulated private financial fund.

According to CGAP, probably no more than 2 percent of the 10,000 
largest MFIs are financially self-sufficient and do not rely on donor funds 
and subsidies to operate. While that number isn't large, those 
institutions serve the majority of microfinance clients around the world. One 
obstacle to the development of the industry is the donor money that has 
fueled the field’s growth thus far. Simply put, donor money is 
inefficient. “It’s hard to go to the capital markets when your competitors are 
getting money for free,” says David Satterthwaite, CEO of Prisma 
Microfinance, a U.S. private equity firm founded in 2000 that is active in 
Nicaragua and Honduras. The industry, say many within it, must be judged 
on commercial terms for it to succeed.

A related impediment is the presence of state-owned banks with a 
history of operating on a subsidized basis. These banks, like donor money 
that does not punish inefficiency, often drive out commercial players. 
“Countries with state-owned banks that operate inefficiently, subsidize 
loans and lend on a political basis have somewhat retarded the 
development of the field,” says Elisabeth Rhyne, head of the research and 
policy 
department of ACCION International. ACCION, a non-profit organization 
with a $1.2 billion loan portfolio that supports MFIs in Latin America, 
the Caribbean and Africa, has led the way in strengthening the business 
of microfinance and encouraging the commercialization of the field.

To grow as an industry, MFIs must take advantage of economies of scale. 
“All the numbers show that as your portfolio grows, your efficiency 
goes up -- and your operating costs per dollar lent decrease,” says CGAP’s 
Holtmann. “As lending margins come down, there is huge pressure to 
consolidate.”

After much talk, this is finally beginning to happen. The most 
significant recent event is the emergence of a network of banks under one 
banner: ProCredit Bank. Eighteen banks in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, 
Latin America, and Africa are being gathered into a microfinance banking 
network with uniform assessment processes and standards. The ProCredit 
network is spearheaded by Internationale Micro Investitionen AG, an 
investment company known as IMI and formed by German consulting group IPC 
and its members. IMI typically takes a majority equity stake in each 
bank. The combined loan portfolio of ProCredit banks, currently EUR 813 
million, is expected to rise to EUR 2.7 billion by 2008. Many in the 
industry applaud IMI’s consolidation efforts and say that the development 
of a transnational network of microfinance banks will lead to greater 
transparency and efficiency.

Across the board, MFIs seeking to increase the size of their loan 
portfolios are looking for larger and more diverse funding sources. Although 
the vast majority of money in the microfinance industry comes from 
multilateral development banks and other donors, the number of commercial 
equity and debt funds, for instance, is growing. Dexia Micro-Credit 
Fund, created in 1998 by Dexia Banque Interntionale a Luxembourg, was the 
first commercial investment fund designed to finance microfinance 
institutions. The fund started with $10 million and now has a net asset value 
of $45.5 million. Through early January of this year, the fund had 
produced a cumulative net return of 27.4 percent. An industry web site, 
www.mixmarket.org, lists about 25 commercial investment funds active in 
microfinance. 

“If microfinance can commercialize and float real securities -- and 
it’s a long, long way from that -- the benefit could be massive,” says 
Satterthwaite. Would you check off a box on your 401(k) form for a fund 
with an average return of 10 percent? he asks. “That’s the vision,” he 
continues. “The goal now is to educate financial professionals about 
microfinance as an emerging asset class.”

But barriers exist. One current obstacle for equity investors is the 
governance structure of many unregulated MFIs. Many have weak governance, 
weak internal controls, and informal management structures. Often 
they’re also not set up legally to accept equity.

The structure of NGOs and informal MFIs can also make accessing the 
capital markets difficult. Commercial banks that don’t understand the 
legal status of MFIs are reluctant to lend to them. “They don’t know who 
they’d go after if the loan is not performing,” says Patricia Mwangi, a 
microfinance specialist at CGAP and manager of the Microfinance Rating 
and Assessment Fund, which promotes financial transparency and more 
rigorous performance standards among MFIs. “Banks are not comfortable 
taking guarantees from people who do not have an equity stake in the firm.” 
However, these issues are likely to be addressed as firms become more 
profitable and rethink their structure.

As a secondary market in microfinance debt develops, some see a future 
for asset-backed securitizations of microfinance loans. There have been 
shufflings in this direction, but scant activity. One problem is the 
lack of sufficient high-quality loans that can be aggregated into a deal 
of significant size. For subordinated debt offerings, there is also 
reluctance among investors to take the first-loss piece. That means credit 
enhancement facilities are necessary -- or donors prepared to take on 
the riskiest tranche. 

Last July, Geneva-based BlueOrchard Finance and Developing World 
Markets, a socially responsible investment firm in Darien, Conn., issued the 
first U.S. dollar-denominated microfinance bonds. To attract 
risk-averse institutional investors to its seven-year $40 million subordinated 
debt issue, the funds got a $30 million credit guarantee from the 
Overseas Private Investment Corp., a U.S. development agency. The senior 
notes, backed by the OPIC-guaranteed funds, yield 55 basis points over 
Treasuries, while three junior tranches offer between 100 and 500 basis 
points over Treasuries. The riskiest equity piece is held by the sponsors. 
Proceeds from the bond offering are expected to help about 40,000 
microentrepreneurs in Latin America, Asia, Africa and Eastern Europe.

More MFIs, however, are looking toward local debt markets to lower 
their financing costs. Take Compartamos, the largest microfinance lender in 
the Americas, with 240,000 microentrepreneurs on its books, 95 percent 
of them women in poor rural areas. To raise capital from Mexican 
pension funds, mutual funds and other institutional investors, Compartamos 
worked with Citigroup and Banamex and last August issued $44 million 
worth of five-year bonds, which were rated AA by the local affiliates of 
Standard & Poor’s and Fitch Ratings. The high rating was a microfinance 
first. The International Finance Corp., the private sector arm of the 
World Bank, provided a 34 percent loan guarantee. 

A big concern with raising money from foreign capital markets is the 
foreign exchange risk. “It’s not the Californian but the Kenyan pension 
fund that a local MFI in Kenya needs to access,” notes CGAP’s Holtmann. 
“What good does it do if a Wall Street banker comes along and offers a 
$50 million convertible loan or straight loan if, at the end of the 
day, you carry huge foreign exchange risk? There’s no effective and 
low-cost way to hedge that risk in many of the countries with microlending 
needs.” Holtmann adds that financial engineering solutions may yet 
develop, but at the moment, foreign exchange risk in balance sheets is a 
prospect that scares away other potential investors. (BlueOrchard dealt 
with this issue by lending primarily to MFIs in dollarized economies.)

With MFIs eyeing more commercial funding sources, national regulatory 
policies that inhibit the development of MFIs are coming under scrutiny. 
Prudential regulation is necessary -- and desirable -- for MFIs 
expanding the services they offer, say industry professionals. However, 
existing regulations can prevent growing MFIs from operating efficiently. 
Over the years, a regulatory wall that many MFIs have run up against is a 
cap on interest rates charged on loans. MFIs must charge high interest 
rates to cover their costs, which are higher than those associated with 
providing more traditional loans to clients with collateral. Annual 
interest rates for microfinance loans can easily be 15 percent or even 30 
percent.

In Colombia, for instance, NGOs are free to charge any interest rate, 
but regulated financial institutions cannot. That creates a disincentive 
for a microfinance NGO to become a commercial financial institution, 
says ACCION’s Rhyne. Some countries, including Ghana, Bolivia, Indonesia, 
and South Africa have microfinance-specific legislation, but the 
practical needs of MFIs may or may not be balanced with the goal of financial 
soundness. In South Africa, MFIs that are not banks are lightly 
regulated as long as they fall under an exemption to the Usury Act, but a 
labyrinth of regulations constrain their operations. 

Governments intent on promoting microfinance have taken different 
paths. In Latin America, where the industry is more developed, Bolivia and 
Chile offer two successful but different regulatory models, according to 
Rhyne. In 1995 the Bolivian government, which has taken a neoliberal, 
laissez-faire approach to the financial markets, promoted the 
commercialization of microfinance institutions by creating a separate category 
of 
institutions that are rigorously supervised but have lower minimum 
capital requirements than other financial institutions. For these FFPs, or 
private financial funds, the minimum capital requirement increases as 
the financial institution grows. “The government was very responsive to 
the needs of MFIs when it created this legislative category,” says 
Rhyne. Most of Bolivia’s big microfinance providers -- with the exception 
of BancoSol, a regulated bank supervised under the general banking law 
-- fall into this category. 

Chile took a different route. In 1992 the government provided 
incentives to commercial banks to make microloans to the uncollateralized poor 
-- essentially, to downscale their activities. The incentive was 
structured as a quasi interest rate subsidy to defray the high cost of 
servicing this new client base. Over time the subsidy decreases. “This was 
aimed at helping institutions get into the field, but not subsidizing 
their long-term presence,” says Rhyne. “It was a smart use of subsidies by 
a government.”

In addition to policy changes, the commercialization of MFIs 
increasingly depends on outside vetting by rating agencies. This is happening, 
but in slow motion. The largest commercial raters -- Standard and Poor’s, 
Moody’s, and Fitch Ratings -- are only marginally involved in the 
microfinance industry. 

>From the perspective of these raters, the main issue is the “volume of 
institutions that are ready to be rated,” says ACCION’s Rhyne. “It’s 
not large.” For MFIs, on the other hand, a big concern is pricing, since 
maintaining a rating from, say S&P, can be costly. An MFI or commercial 
fund issuing bonds would have to go into the capital markets on a 
regular basis to justify the cost.

In the meantime, the growth of the microfinance industry has given rise 
to an interesting new breed of rater: specialized microfinance rating 
agencies such as MicroRate, PlaNet Finance, CRISIL, M-CRIL, and 
Microfinanza -- many focusing on geographic regions. These raters, which over 
the last decade developed their own risk methodologies geared toward the 
MFIs they assess, typically enable donors to judge the quality of MFI 
loan portfolios and the stability of the organizations themselves. The 
Rating Fund, formed in 2001 by the Inter-American Development Bank and 
CGAP, works with specialized and international raters on MFI risk and 
return assessment, says Mwangi, the fund’s manager. The fund also helps 
MFIs purchase independent rating and assessment services; to date it has 
helped pay for more than 180 ratings and assessments.

However, if the industry is to get a seat at the table of local or 
international capital markets, overtures must increasingly be made to 
investors and commercial funding sources, rather than donors. For 
traditional investors not aware that this market can be profitable and 
reliable, 
ratings from the largest commercial rating agencies can quantify the 
risks associated with investing in microfinance bonds. “Specialized 
raters are useful for donors and social investors, but many don’t have 
mainstream credit products an institution would use for issuing debt,” says 
Mwangi.

International raters such as Standard & Poor’s and Fitch appeal to 
investors because the raters use their standard grade systems, which are 
already well-known. According to Mwangi, Moody’s has been less involved 
in rating institutions that work in microfinance, although Moody’s 
Singapore is about to rate an MFI. The current hitch with these raters is 
that they don’t fully understand the operations of MFIs. And MFI 
managers, for their part, are more comfortable working with specialized 
microfinance rating agencies that understand the nature of their operations.

To an international rater, an MFI’s processes can seem informal. 
“Critical things like internal controls are different,” notes Mwangi. “If 
S&P, for instance, is looking for traditional internal controls, they 
won’t find them.” Specialized raters rely on alternative internal controls, 
just as MFIs turn to alternative ways of gauging the likelihood of an 
individual repaying a loan, rather than relying on collateral. Do the 
alternative internal controls work? “We believe they’re reliable, but we 
can’t prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that, yes, they’re reliable 
enough for S&P to assure investors that the governance controls are fine,” 
says Mwangi. Finding a balance between the approach that international 
rating agencies apply and the realities of MFIs is hugely important to 
the microfinance industry -- but it is a work in progress.

A goal across the microfinance industry is to be able to measure and 
evaluate the risks associated with investing in MFIs or microcredit-based 
instruments. As that happens, investors can compare portfolios and take 
on the risks they want, thus increasing the flow of efficient money 
into the system. According to CGAP’s Holtmann, this means that 
international commercial raters must understand that a microfinance bank is a 
different animal than a traditional bank that invests in bricks and mortar, 
but one that can nonetheless be quantified. Other than that, “there’s 
nothing about microfinance that’s so spectacularly different from the 
rest of the financial system,” he says. “At CGAP we predict that even the 
word microfinance is poised to disappear eventually since this is just 
part of the big financial system.”









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