Striving for success: Growth, globalization and economic policy 
reform
  From the Address to the Institute for the Economy in Transition,
  Vanguard | March 27, 2006,
http://www.vanguardngr.com/articles/2002/business/march06/27032006/b3
27032006.html

This conference comes at an auspicious time. It is now fifteen years 
since Russia and the other transition economies started the lengthy 
and challenging transformation  from central planning to normally 
functioning market economies. Challenging, yes, and often very 
difficult for many of those countries and their citizens. But none 
of us  who had any involvement in those early days could have 
imagined that so much progress would be made so quickly. Most 
transition countries have come further, and  done so more rapidly, 
than even the optimists among us had expected. Today, I want to put 
this reform process in historical and global context. After all, the 
most  striking feature of the reform process today is how much it 
has in common with the reform process in the rest of the world.

The world economy
Even the skeptical commentators are obliged to acknowledge that the 
world economy is in remarkably healthy shape. 2006 is likely to be 
the fourth successive year in  which real world GDP will have grown 
by 4 percent or more.

And this strong growth performance has been worldwide, with higher 
growth seen in almost every region. Emerging market Asia experienced 
growth rates of more  than 8 percent in 2004 and close to that in 
2005. Africa, Latin America and the Middle East have all experienced 
growth rates above 4 percent last year‚ in some  cases, 
significantly above. And, of course, the transition economies have 
continued to experience rapid growth.

The global economy appears to be stronger and more resilient than it 
has for many years. The slowdown of 2001-2002 was unusually modest 
and recovery from it  has been strong, rapid and sustained. The 
world economy has, so far, shrugged off geopolitical uncertainty, 
the sharp rise in oil prices and the growing problem of  global 
imbalances‚ though, of course, these downside risks remain.

One important contributory factor to this benign economic 
environment is the significant improvement in macroeconomic 
management in many countries around the  world. The experience of 
the past ten or fifteen years has taught us a great deal about how 
economies work and what scope policymakers have for achieving and  
maintaining macroeconomic stability, accelerating growth and 
reducing poverty. Putting some of those lessons into practice is 
already producing results in the form of  higher and more stable 
growth rates. Much progress has been made in many parts of the world 
as governments have implemented policies aimed at achieving  
macroeconomic stability, including the reduction of inflation, sound 
fiscal policies that curb government budget deficits and reduce debt 
burdens.
And progress towards stability at the national level has, in turn, 
led to greater international stability and more rapid global growth.

Macroeconomic stability
The most striking global phenomenon‚ and sometimes underestimated‚ 
is what has happened to inflation rates worldwide‚ and what that has 
shown about the role that  low inflation can play both in providing 
a stable economic framework and in making possible more rapid growth.

In the 1970s and 1980s, inflation came to be seen as a fact of life‚ 
albeit an undesirable one. Between 1980 and 1984, for example, the 
global inflation rate was close  to 15 percent, and nearly 9 percent 
in the industrial economies. In developing countries it was much 
higher, of course. Even in the early 1990s, barely a decade ago,  
the average inflation rate in developing countries was just over 80 
percent.

More recently, though, policymakers have made considerable progress 
in achieving significant and lasting reductions in inflation. The 
global inflation rate was down to  3.7 percent in 2004. In the 
industrial economies it had declined to 2 percent in 2004 and an 
estimated 2.3 percent in 2005.

In developing countries, the decline has been even steeper‚ from 
that 80 percent level in the early 1990s to 5.8 percent in 2004, and 
as estimated 5.6 percent, in  2005.

In 2004, only three of the IMF's 184 members had inflation rates in 
excess of 40 percent. That is a remarkable global transformation 
over a relatively short period.
The transition economies have been part of this success story. 
Consumer price inflation in the transition countries averaged 61.3 
percent a year between 1987 and  1996. In the following decade the 
average inflation rate declined to just over 18 percent. The Fund's 
latest World Economic Outlook, published last September,  shows the 
average inflation rate in Central and Eastern Europe is projected to 
be below 5 per cent this year. In Russia, too, much progress has 
been made towards  achieving price stability. By the end of 2005, 
year end inflation had declined to 10.9 percent, down from the peak 
of 85.7 percent as recently as 1999.

High inflation has always penalized the poor more than the rich 
because the poor are less able to protect themselves against the 
consequences, and less able to hedge  against the risks that high 
inflation poses. Lowering inflation therefore directly benefits the 
poorest members in society. As low inflation becomes firmly 
established,  uncertainty among economic actors is reduced and 
resource allocation becomes more efficient and investment decisions 
are easier: and this in turn contributes to  higher growth rates.

The experience of the past decade has also shown that flexible 
exchange rates are an important component of macroeconomic 
stability. The capital account crises of  the 1990s in Mexico, in 
Asia, here in Russia and elsewhere reminded us how important it is 
for economies to have the flexibility to respond to shocks. With 
fixed  exchange rates, shocks must be absorbed by other 
variables‚‚such as wage rates and domestic prices‚‚that often impose 
larger costs and require longer adjustment  periods.

The Asian crises showed the dangers of mismatches of currency 
exposures of assets and liabilities. And fixed exchange rates 
require monetary policy to be  subordinated to the exchange rate 
regime, thus making it more difficult to control and reduce 
inflation and maintain macroeconomic stability.
As a result of what we learned during the capital account crises of 
the 1990s, most countries now have flexible exchange rates regimes.

So much has been learned, much has been implemented: and the result 
has been significantly more rapid growth in many parts of the world. 
There is, however, every  reason to think that‚ at some point‚ world 
growth will, once again, slow or even that the world economy will go 
into recession. Economic cycles have not-yet-been  abolished. 
Looking ahead, then, the challenge is twofold. The first is to build 
on the progress achieved thus far, to accelerate growth [especially 
in those countries  where living standards are relatively low] and 
so enable more rapid reductions in poverty.

The second challenge is to continue to work to reduce the 
disruptions that economic slowdowns cause. When the next downturn 
comes it will be those economies  where policymakers have done most 
to prepare that will be least affected by it. And the more economies 
that are prepared for a downturn, the more modest the  global impact 
is likely to be.

In other words, the current favourable conjuncture is an opportunity 
for action rather than an excuse for inaction. Now is the moment to 
act, to press on with reforms  because they are always easiest to 
manage at a time of expansion.

Growth and structrual reforms
One important lesson brought home more forcefully than ever by the 
experience of the past decade or more is the importance of a healthy 
financial sector. This is a  key component of macroeconomic 
stability. A weak financial sector can undermine efforts to achieve 
stability through prudent fiscal and monetary policies.
But a strong and well-functioning financial sector is also critical 
if sustained higher growth rates are to be achieved. Banks and the 
financial sector in general have a  vital role to play in fostering 
economic growth: by providing credit to those investments that offer 
the highest risk-adjusted rates of return, banks contribute to a 
higher  growth rate for the economy as a whole. But to be effective, 
banks, even small ones, must develop the ability to assess credit 
worthiness, risk and returns. They need  to be able to assess the 
likely returns from competing borrowers and so direct resources to 
those offering the highest rates of return.

As economies grow, they become more complex and interdependent; and 
the demands placed on the financial sector grow commensurately. 
Banks grow bigger: they  need to in order to meet the demand for 
investment capital. They must also grow more sophisticated, and 
become more diversified in terms of the risks they assume.  
Continued expansion means that firms need banks able to serve their 
needs across national boundaries and to provide specialized 
financing services. And appropriate  regulatory and supervisory 
regimes become assume increasing importance.

But the financial sector has to meet the needs of the range of 
economic activity and other sources of financial intermediation‚ 
equity, bonds and insurance, for  example‚ are important to provide 
the necessary breadth and depth. Healthy and sustained growth of 
firms and economies require constant innovation as firms seek  the 
best terms and intermediaries become increasingly refined in making 
risk assessments.

Experience has repeatedly shown that high growth rates are 
sustainable only as the financial sector develops in parallel with 
the economy as a whole. A weak financial  sector can undermine 
growth. Resources are misallocated, and average returns fall. We all 
knew that a healthy financial sector was an important ingredient of  
macroeconomic stability. But the role that weak financial sectors 
played in the crises of the 1990s made us appreciate even more than 
before quite how central the  financial sector's role is.

In a sense, the increased focus on financial sector soundness is 
one‚ albeit very important‚ way in which the rapid integration of 
the global economy has highlighted the  importance of structural 
economic reforms. In many parts of the world we have made 
considerable progress in maintaining macroeconomic stability. But 
stability  alone can only do so much to raise growth rates and 
reduce poverty. Other policy reforms are also necessary to raise an 
economy's growth potential. And our  experience in recent years has 
altered our thinking in significant ways. All of us‚ and by all I 
mean academic economists, national policymakers, and the policy  
community, including the IMF‚ have come to realize that an array of 
other policy reforms that we used not to think of as macroeconomic 
are critical.

Key to improved financial sector performance, and key to the 
improved governance that makes possible improved macroeconomic 
performance in general, is the  issue of transparency. We have 
learned that at the sectoral, the national and the global level the 
more openly individuals, firms and institutions go about their 
business,  and the more open to public scrutiny they are, the more 
effectively they will perform. The IMF has taken a lead in this: we 
are now one of the most transparent  institutions in the world. Some 
have gone so far as to argue that the importance of transparency 
will prove to be one of the most significant and durable lessons of 
the  past decade.

More generally, we have come to appreciate that institutional health 
is an important ingredient of economic progress. Enterprise is 
stifled and foreign investment  discouraged if a country does not 
have an effective judiciary that makes contract enforcement 
possible. Businesses simply relocate to somewhere that offers them  
greater legal protection. Similarly, countries that do not offer 
legally, and easily enforceable, property rights will find it hard 
to attract and retain investment. Such  shortcomings have always 
undermined business activity and, in consequence, economic growth: 
but as the world economy becomes more integrated, business has  
become more mobile and a climate hostile to business even more 
damaging. Even some of the advanced economies have business red tape 
that makes establishing a  new business difficult or costly, or that 
makes the process of enforcing contracts time-consuming and 
cumbersome.

But institutional shortcomings tend to be far more serious in 
emerging market and low income countries, and the Fund, in co-
operation with our sister institution, the  World Bank, now works 
actively to promote institutional reform among our members as a 
vital ingredient in promoting sustained and rapid economic growth.
In short, then, we have learned much in the past decade and a half, 
but we still have much to do to make the most of our experience.

The transition economies
Where do the transition economies fit in to this global picture? If 
we look back at what has happened in this part of the world in the 
past fifteen years or so, we can  see that the transition economies 
increasingly face just the same problems and challenges as the rest 
of the world. That is a clear indication of the extraordinary
progress made thus far. It is difficult to overestimate the 
achievements made in this part of the world in a remarkably short 
period.

After all, reversing decades of economic mismanagement is no easy 
task. Adopting a market-based economic system is a difficult and 
lengthy process. It takes time  for activities to spring up and for 
people to adapt to new incentives, institutions and constraints. 
Dismantling a command economy meant starting all over again. What  
economic assets remained had to be valued and transferred into 
private hands‚‚and entrepreneurial private hands at that. At every 
level of activity people had to start  thinking for themselves.

Those in charge of economic policymaking had to learn how to 
function in a market-based economy. The basic structures of a market 
economy had to be put in place  as rapidly as possible. Yet 
infrastructure was often lacking, or in poor condition. Health and 
education provision needed overhauling. Pension systems needed 
radical  reform.

There was thus an urgent need to establish properly-functioning tax 
systems that would generate revenues and provide incentives to 
support the transition to the  market system.

At the same time, the financial sector needed effective regulatory 
structures. The banking system needed wholesale reform to equip it 
for its new role as a provider of  credit. Financial markets needed 
to be created and fostered‚ vital for the efficient allocation of 
credit and the management of risk.

This would be a challenging reform agenda for any country. For 
countries with no recent experience of operating in a market-based 
economy, it was truly formidable.
The World Bank study shows that compared with many parts of the 
world, many transition economies have made significant progress, 
especially given their starting  point as centrally-planned 
economies a relatively short time ago. It costs a firm 188 weeks of 
a worker's salary to fire someone in Sierra Leone, 174 weeks's 
salary  in Sri Lanka and 165 weeks' salary in Brazil. These are all 
much higher than in transition economies.

But there are important labor market rigidities, the removal of 
which would bring considerable benefits. Firms in Slovenia, must pay 
43 weeks of salary to fire a  worker‚‚and it costs 33 weeks salary 
or more in Hungary, Estonia and Lithuania. In Russia the comparable 
figure is only 17 weeks. But in the US and New Zealand,  which have 
social safety nets for unemployed workers, by contrast, firms incur 
no costs in firing workers . The evidence shows that the easier it 
is to fire workers, the  more willing employers are to hire 
them‚‚because they are taking on less risk when they recruit new 
staff.

Many transition economies also have strict rules about working 
hours. The World Bank has an index measuring rigidities in this 
area, using a scale of 1-100, where  100 is the worst. Slovenia, 
Hungary and Estonia all score poorly on this, with an index of 80, 
while Russia, Romania, Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia all score 60: 
that  compares with a score of 20 for the UK, and zero for the US 
and New Zealand. Yet strict limits on working hours make it 
difficult for employers to respond to  increased demand‚ especially 
if the labor market also discourages recruitment of new workers.
The role of the IMF
Discussions of business regulation and labour market flexibility 
highlight important challenges for the transition economies‚ and 
indeed for many other countries,  including some in Western Europe. 
But they also underline the extent to which transition countries now 
confront the challenges shared by many other countries around  the 
world. Indeed, at the end of 2003, the IMF abolished the department 
set up in 1991 to look after the transition economies. They are now 
integrated into the rest  of the Fund's work.

But we continue to support the reform process in the transition 
economies as indeed we seek to support all our members. We do this 
through our surveillance  work‚‚like all Fund member countries, 
transition economies have what we call Article IV consultations 
every year.
Over the years, the Fund has provided‚ and continues to provide‚ 
technical assistance to transition economies on a wide range of 
issues ranging from monetary policy  to public expenditure and tax 
administration.

And, of course, the Fund has been able to provide financial support 
to transition economies; though as they have achieved macroeconomic 
stability and more rapid  growth, fewer countries are in need of 
financial assistance than in the early years of the transition 
period.

Conclusion
This is an appropriate moment to reflect on what has been achieved 
in the transition economies in the past fifteen years. Progress has 
been significant and has arguably  surpassed all expectations. The 
transition economies have rapidly become integrated with the world 
economy as a whole. In recent years, many of them have  achieved 
macroeconomic stability and experienced rapid growth.

The challenge now is to consolidate the progress made and to build 
on it. That means ensuring the macroeconomic stability is 
maintained. And it means raising the  long-term growth potential of 
the transition economies that can only come through the adoption of 
further structural reforms.

The benign global economic environment provides countries around the 
world with a valuable opportunity to press on with reforms. But this 
opportunity is not  open-ended: so the phrase "make hay while the 
sun shines" continues to hold true‚‚for the transition economies 
along with everyone else.

Address to the Institute for the Economy in Transition, Moscow by 
Anne O. Krueger, First Deputy Managing Director, IMF Delivered on Ms 
Krueger's behalf by  Mr Poul Thomsen, Senior Advisor, European 
Department March 20, 2006.








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