VARANASI BLASTS: THE UNENDING SAGA OF TERROR

by Swati Parashar, South Asia Analysis Group, March 20, 2006

http://www.saag.org/papers18/paper1742.html


As news about the three bomb blasts that rocked the city of Varanasi,
in the state of Uttar Pradesh in India on March 7, 2006, began to
reach Indians far and wide, there was an outpour of anger and rage
across the spectrum. Many analysts have argued that anti-Islamic
feelings would be strengthened by these attacks on one of the Holiest
Hindu cities and that there are possibilities of a communal backlash
in sensitive parts of the country.

Since the attacks, there are no reports of communal violence in any
part of the country. Does it mean that Indians in general have become
immune to such dastardly acts of terrorism, or is it a lull before the
storm? What is the significance of these attacks? Who are the
perpetrators? What is the future of this kind of terrorism? These and
several other questions are behind the uneasiness that is rife in
every Indian mind today. Clearly, the air may be calm but the hearts
are not. Not one single terrorist attack on the United States after
9/11, not another in the UK after 7/7, not one attack on the
Australian soil as yet, when supposedly the entire Al Qaeda movement
is targeted against them. India on the other hand barely recovers from
one attack when another is successfully launched. It is this
never-ending saga of terror that needs to be examined.

Is the Indian counter-terrorism strategy rendered completely
ineffectual? Is the Indian pride in claiming that Indian Muslims have
not been a part of the Al Qaeda movement, nor have participated in
jihad anywhere in the world, misplaced? Is democracy truly the panacea
to terrorism? If terrorism is an act perpetrated by those who have
real or perceived grievances against the state, it is inevitable that
only democracies can articulate these grievances and allow for
dissenting voices and spaces. Has the democratic, secular and
resilient Indian state failed its own people? Why does India seem like
a soft state, an easy target for terrorists out to destroy the secular
fabric of the country? What is it that we lack in responding to
terrorism when we keep claiming ours is a more inclusive and
comprehensive, proactive strategy to deal with terrorism as against
the reactive and militarised counter-terrorism policies of the United
States and its allies, who have clearly been successful in containing
terrorism in their territories?

Atleast 23 people died, and many others were injured, some critically,
in the Varanasi attacks at the famous 'Sankat Mochan' temple and at
the railway station. This is the fifth attack in a series of attacks
targeted at Hindu places of worship. It began with the 2002 March and
November attacks on the 'Raghunath' temple in Jammu, Sept. 2003 attack
on the 'Akshardham' temple in Gujarat and the thwarted July 2005
attack in the disputed shrine at Ayodhya in the state of Uttar
Pradesh. There were reports of another planned attack on the 'Vaishno
Devi' Shrine yatra route in Katra, Jammu. This attack was foiled by
police, owing to good intelligence provided by the local people.

The message of these attacks in the city of Varanasi is loud and
clear. These are all well planned and executed attacks on religious
places of a particular community with the intention of causing maximum
damage to the shrine, for its symbolic religious value. The attackers
intended to inflict maximum casualties, and to foment communal
violence. The Varanasi temple was attacked on a Tuesday when the
temple attendance is very high owing to it being the day of the deity
'Hanuman' and also just a few minutes prior to the 'aarti' when people
gather for a community chanting of prayers in the evening.

The tactical change, moving to mass casualty attacks, began with the
attacks at the Jammu railway station in Jan 2004, and continued with
the Paharganj railway station in Delhi (Oct. 2005) and now at
Varanasi. This proves that railway stations and places of worship,
which attract maximum crowds at any given point of time are becoming
popular targets of attack for maximum impact through large number of
casualties.

Prior to 2004, terrorist groups in India limited their operations to
political targets, such as the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly building and
the Indian Parliament attacks (2001) including assassination attempts
on leading political personalities. The targets have clearly shifted
to aforementioned religious and transportation targets. It is a
tactical move in the grand strategy of the Kashmiri and Pakistani
jihadi groups to weaken the Indian state in tandem with the
declaration of the Lashkar-e-Toiba Chief, Hafiz Saeed, at a giant
rally in Nov. 1999 held by its parent organisation, the Markaz Dawat
wal Irshad, that India should break up and no jihadi should rest till
India is completely dissolved into Pakistan.

A spokesman, Abdullah Jabbar alias Abu Kahar, for a group calling
itself the Lashkar-e-Kahar has claimed resposnsibility for the
attacks, but most security experts believe that this is a non-de-gurre
for the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT). Other security sources claim that the
Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) may be responsible. These are the two most
likely suspects. The case for Lashkar's possible involvement in these
temple attacks is also strengthened by the fact that in 2003, the
Jammu and Kashmir police discovered, after the arrest of the LeT
district commander-cum-finance chief for Anantnag district in Jammu and Kashmir,
Zia Mustafa, alias Arbaz alias Abdullah Umer that the Lashkar had
planned a series of attacks on the VHP and the RSS activists,
including temples across the country, to avenge the killings of the
Gujarat riots and the Muslims suffering under the Indian state in
Jammu and Kashmir. Umer also revealed that the LeT operatives were
asked to establish their presence among Muslim youth in Delhi, Gujarat
and other parts of the country for waging jihad.

The fast growing LeT network in the country has been a cause of
concern to the intelligence agencies. Varanasi has long been on LeT's
target list. The chief conspirator of the American Center attack in
Kolkata was Farhan Mallick, a native of Varanasi. A letter claiming
responsibility for that attack threatened that 'AL Qaeda' would target
Indian interests worldwide including in Varanasi. Farhan was not an
isolated operative and had been in contact with Sayed Omar Sheikh, the
right hand man of Azhar Mehmood, released during the Kandahar
hijacking crisis. Farhan alias Aftab also has links with Anees
Ibrahim, the brother of Dawood Ibrahim, the mafia terrorist living in
Pakistan.

The political blame game has reached new proportions with the
opposition Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) blaming the United Progressive
Alliance (UPA) coaltion government's minority appeasement policies as
emboldening the radical elements within the Muslim community to launch
attacks on the Hindus. Some people are also of the opinion that in the
light of the recent dressing down received by Gen. Musharraf from
President Bush while on his visit to Islamabad, and the lavish praises
heaped on India by the American President, these attacks were carried
out by the active collusion of Pakistan. One of the objectives of
these attacks is to tarnish India's image, which has been enhanced
with the new nuclear agreement between India and the United States.
The two largest democracies in the world are working closely towards a
strong strategic partnership with the US now recognizing India's
potential as a rising power in Asia. Some analysts also linked these
attacks to the recent communal clashes in Lucknow, which were sparked
off by anti-Bush protests in the city. Whatever, maybe the reasons
behind these attacks, what is clear is that it was a well planned and
executed attack that was probably carried out with the help of some
indigenous elements.

Ratcheting up the rhetoric, calling the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS), a right wing Hindu organisation, the Hindu 'Al Qaeda' by
certain minority leaders and equating these blasts in Varanasi to the
'Babri Masjid' demolition accomplishes little, except to continue to
increase communal tensions. The blame on the UPA government by the
opposition is also misplaced considering that the Akshardham and the
Parliament attacks had happened when the National Democratic Alliance
(NDA), led by the BJP was in power and was actively engaged in a peace
process with Pakistan under the leadership of Prime Minister Vajpayee.
This political gimmicking is the usual pattern of response by the
right, left and even the centrist political forces to any terrorist
attacks in the country. This only serves to dilute the focus on
investigations and a unified response is always lacking.

Parts of India, including Varanasi are vulnerable to communal clashes
as any desecration or attack on a place of worship is seen as an
attack on the entire community. However, even as the state governments
and local authorities keep vigil in Varanasi and other sensitive parts
of the country there are no reports of a communal backlash as yet. The
police in Varanasi also think that it is not very likely that a
communal clash may occur as the incident is not provocative enough for
the people to indulge in riots targeting their immediate friends and
neighbours who have nothing to do with these attacks.

Moreover, the temple itself and the deity are intact helping to
control an emotional outburst. Communal clashes in other parts of the
country are also not likely considering that attacks have happened on
places of worship in the past without a frenzied communal reaction
from the masses. Communal riots in India also owe a great deal to the
politicization of any pressing and immediate religious grievance or
issue and the active involvement of the political elements. With
political parties too caught up in the blame game, they have little
time to actively lead and participate in communal violence, as has
been the case in the past.

Also the reason why the 'Babri' mosque demolition was followed by a
communal backlash was because there was visible involvement of the
local people, of fellow Indians who were then seen as enemies. An
attack like the one in the temple in Varanasi is not likely to provoke
a communal reaction because the perpetrators are not visible or
identifiable. There are also convenient external elements to blame
owing to the long history of terrorism from across the borders.
Regular condemnation of India's adversaries for their involvement in
terrorism, allows for the population to see the 'other' as a
foreigner, not a local Muslim.

Despite the restrained reactions to these kinds of terrorist attacks
in the last one-year, this is a worrisome development. The terrorists
seem to be testing the patience and resilience of the government while
the government too, in its failed attempts to end these attacks is
testing the patience of the people.

The Indian public and the government have demonstrated tremendous
ability to absorb these attacks against their society. This can last
only as long as the entire India nation remains committed to the
multicultural, tolerant society. This will require all parts to unite,
as happened during the Danish cartoon controversy, and make clear that
Indians of all faiths will not tolerate attacks on their fellow
countrymen, from any segment of this vast society. A misconception of
the terrorists is visible when they equate attacks on India and the
Indian government with attacks on Hindu places of worship, thereby
undermining the secular ethos of the country. This has to be dispelled
by a unified response and condemnation across religions and cultures
in the country.

(Swati Parashar is a Visiting Research Analyst with the Institute of
Defence and Strategic Studies, (IDSS), NTU, Singapore . She can be
contacted at [EMAIL PROTECTED] )





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