South Asia should unite behind one of its own 

Ramesh Thakur, The Hindu, April 08, 2006

http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/08/stories/2006040805091100.htm
 

KOFI ANNAN's term as Secretary-General of the United Nations comes 
to an end on December 31, 2006. The search for his replacement has 
started. The Security Council will vote on the issue before the 
year's end, and the matter will then go to the General Assembly. The 
vote in the Security Council is subject to veto by any one of the 
five permanent members (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, 
and the United States). So far the General Assembly has never 
rejected the candidate recommended by the Security Council. 

By the established principle of geographical rotation, the next 
Secretary-General should be an Asian. Choosing the best rather than 
a regional candidate is a wonderful principle. London and Washington 
would have had more credibility and the moral high ground for this 
claim had the principle been followed in the choice of the heads of 
the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. 

That the general sentiment in U.N. circles is in favour of an Asian 
is no guarantee the post will go to an Asian. China has indicated 
strong support for the idea, and of course may veto any non-Asian 
candidate. But this will not suffice if Asians cannot unite behind 
one candidate, or at least agree on a common strategy. One such 
strategy could be to seek general agreement in advance that the 
choice will be limited to Asian candidates, but as many candidates 
as desired may be nominated. This would ensure that the candidate is 
Asian but not imposed on the rest of the world by Asia: everyone 
gets to choose which Asian candidate becomes Secretary-General. 

Japan, India, and other Asian countries also support the principle 
of an Asian Secretary-General this time round. So far there are 
three declared candidates, a South Korean, a Thai, and a Sri Lankan. 
Others are surely waiting in the wings. The Association of Southeast 
Asian Nations has given group support to the Thai candidate. There 
is no Northeast Asian counterpart that could campaign for the 
Korean. But there is the South Asian Association for Regional 
Cooperation. So why has it not joined forces to provide collective 
support to Jayantha Dhanapala, the candidate from its own region, 
especially as South Asia has never had a Secretary-General? 

More importantly, why is India silent on this point? It is passing 
strange that a country with pretensions to global leadership and 
major power status fails to demonstrate leadership in its own 
region, despite dominating the region with over 70 per cent of land 
area, economic output, and population. 

The reason cannot be fear of giving offence to other countries, 
their candidates or the region they come from. No South Asian or 
Northeast Asian can reasonably take offence at ASEAN backing the 
Thai candidate. Are South Asians really so jealous of each other 
that they would like all internal candidates to fail and someone 
else succeed, perhaps even a non-Asian? Outsiders will surely 
respect South Asia more for mounting a united campaign, even if this 
does not lead to success. 

Maybe influential policy-makers are hopeful that an Indian candidate 
will emerge from the process. There is at least one internal U.N. 
Indian candidate in the minds of some influential world 
personalities as having the requisite intellectual depth, political 
skills, sparkling wit, and diplomatic charm for the job. The 
prospects for this will not be damaged if prior to that stage India 
had given clear support to Mr. Dhanapala. Such selfless support 
based on regional solidarity might even help an Indian candidate 
later in the process should Colombo's campaign run out of steam. The 
major obstacle to an Indian succeeding Mr. Annan is not Mr. 
Dhanapala's candidacy but the reluctance of most countries to elect 
the national of a major power. Otherwise Bill Clinton might have had 
this post locked up by now. 

India surely does not believe that Mr. Dhanapala lacks credibility 
as a candidate. He topped the competitive exams in Sri Lanka and had 
a brilliant career in the foreign service, culminating as ambassador 
to Washington. That he has failed to generate excitement in 
Washington circles may prove to be more of an asset than a 
liability. He has served ten years in the U.N. Newton Bowles, a 
distinguished Canadian diplomat who was involved with the U.N. in 
many capacities from its start, notes in his memoir The Diplomacy of 
Hope that Mr. Dhanapala "left a legacy of intellectual rigor and 
moral commitment" as Under-Secretary-General for Disarmament (1998-
2003). He is widely known, respected and admired. He is considerate 
to subordinates and courteous to colleagues. He is a uniter, not a 
divider. Impressively, his candidacy has drawn support from across 
the political spectrum in a country that is otherwise as fractiously 
divided as India itself. The opposition parties in Sri Lanka joined 
hands with the government on the day that his candidacy was 
announced. 

Could it be that people in New Delhi have neither forgotten nor 
forgiven his role in perpetuating the NPT-based nuclear apartheid? 
The NPT was signed in 1968 and came into force in 1970. Unusually 
among such international agreements, it required a conference to be 
held after 25 years to discuss whether to renew the treaty 
indefinitely or for further fixed periods. The 1995 conference 
decided to renew the NPT indefinitely, and in doing so enshrined a 
strong international legal bulwark against nuclear non-
proliferation. Mr. Dhanapala was the president of that conference. 

That was over a decade ago. India itself has crossed the nuclear 
threshold since then, and is busy trying to prove its non-
proliferation credentials to remaining sceptics in the U.S. and 
elsewhere. Policies appropriate for a non-nuclear and anti-nuclear 
country are less relevant for a self-declared nuclear power. In any 
case, Mr. Dhanapala was prescient in warning, in his closing speech 
on May 12, 1995, that the indefinite extension of the treaty should 
not be construed as "a permanence of unbalanced obligations." The 
conference's "unmistakable message" was that "non-proliferation and 
disarmament can be pursued only jointly, not at each other's 
expense." 

The challenge remains: where ASEAN has shown the way, will SAARC 
follow? And will India provide the necessary regional, continental 
and global leadership? Mr. Dhanapala may or may not be the best 
candidate and may or may not succeed in his campaign. I cannot 
comment on his merits and suitability relative to the other 
candidates. Regardless, I would have thought his candidacy does 
deserve Indian support based on regional solidarity. 

(Ramesh Thakur, senior vice-rector of the U.N. University, is the 
author of "The United Nations, Peace and Security: From Collective 
Security to the Responsibility to Protect," Cambridge University 
Press. These are his personal views.) 












--
This is ZESTGlobal. Post articles on international affairs to 
[email protected]

If you got this mail as a forward, subscribe to ZESTGlobal by sending a blank 
mail to [EMAIL PROTECTED] OR, if you have a Yahoo! ID, by visiting 
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTGlobal/join/ 
Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTGlobal/

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
    [EMAIL PROTECTED]

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
    http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
 


Reply via email to