What passing bells for those who die as U.N. peacekeepers? 

Ramesh Thakur | The Hindu | August 03, 2006

http://www.hindu.com/2006/08/03/stories/2006080305511100.htm


IN 1999, I organised and chaired a workshop in Budapest on the 
fallout and longer-term implications of the Kosovo war. I asked 
retired Air Marshal Ray Funnel, chief of the Australian Air Force 
during Gulf War I in 1991, to address the question whether this was 
the first war to be won by air power. ("With respect, professor," he 
said, "that's a stupid question." But that's another story.) During 
the question and answer session, someone asked him whether the NATO 
bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade was deliberate or 
accidental. 

"With all the authority I have as an air force officer," Air Marshal 
Funnel replied, "let me assure you that there is no way that bombing 
could have been deliberate. The American military just doesn't 
operate like that, and that would have been too stupid an act to be 
a deliberate decision." 

Another participant in the project was Lt. Gen. Satish Nambiar, 
former deputy chief of the Indian Army and the first commanding 
officer of the U.N. Protection Force in the former Yugoslavia (and 
now head of USI in New Delhi). He countered (to vigorous nodding 
assent from our Chinese participant) that "With all the authority I 
have as a retired army general and someone who knows Belgrade quite 
well, let me tell you there is no way that the hit on the Chinese 
Embassy could have been accidental." 

The seeming contradiction is in fact resolvable. For both statements 
to be true, the strike was not due to a high-level policy decision 
in Washington, nor an example of "stuff happens," but an operational 
decision by a lower level "rogue" field commander or targeting 
officer. 

Similarly, from everything I know and believe about Israel, it is 
inconceivable that the U.N. post was targeted as a matter of 
deliberate policy. But from all that is already known, it seems 
equally implausible that deaths were caused merely by an accidental 
strike or operational error. Official Israeli policy will be judged 
by the punishment meted out to those responsible for the atrocity. 

The U.N. position in Khiyyam has been well known to the Israeli 
Defence Force for many years and was clearly marked. The Israelis 
had given assurances that the U.N. posts and personnel would not be 
struck. On July 18, U.N. monitors made ten phone calls between 1.20 
p.m., when an Israeli plane dropped a bomb 300 metres from the 
patrol base, and around 7.17 p.m. Lt. Col. John Molloy, the senior 
Irish peacekeeper in Lebanon and a key liaison officer with the IDF, 
gave six warnings about the Khiyyam post that were "very specific, 
explicit, detailed and stark." In New York, U.N. Assistant Secretary-
General Jane Lute phoned the Israeli mission, and then appealed to 
Deputy Secretary-General Mark Malloch Brown to follow suit, 
reiterating protests and calling for an end to artillery shelling 
and aerial bombardments. 

After the hit on Khiyyam, the U.N. secured IDF agreement for safe 
passage for two of its armoured personnel carriers which arrived 
around 9.30 p.m. but were attacked by Israel. Israel also fired on 
peacekeepers sent to dig out the bodies. Ireland's Foreign Minister 
Dermot Ahern remarked that the incident "raises questions about 
whether this was an accident." 

Lightly armed U.N. peacekeeping forces are not meant to stand up to 
and resist an Israeli military incursion across the international 
border. Their central purpose is to give effect to a pacific intent, 
not to check a war of choice. This makes them easy targets. By the 
end of 2005, a total of 2,227 personnel had died while serving in 
U.N. peacekeeping operations, some in accidents, others killed on 
duty. They sacrificed their lives for a cause above and beyond even 
national defence, for an abstract principle of international duty. 
There is no higher calling nor nobler cause. 

With apologies to Wilfred Owen, what passing bells for those who die 
as U.N. peacekeepers — only the monstrous silence of the disunited 
nations? In response to the death of three of its soldiers killed 
and the kidnapping of two, Israel unleashed an orgy of destruction 
and cruelty whose victims have overwhelmingly been civilians caught 
in the crossfire. 

In response to four unarmed and neutral U.N. peacekeepers being 
killed by Israel, against the background of repeated pleas over six 
hours to stop before a tragedy occurred, Kofi Annan denounced 
this "apparently deliberate targeting" of the U.N. post. Would I 
want as my Secretary-General someone who is complicit through 
silence when his own peacekeepers are killed? He can soften and back-
pedal subsequently, but I for one am glad he spoke up when he did. 

When some Western leaders and editorialists shift the blame for the 
death of U.N. observers to Hizbollah and the U.N., on the twisted 
reasoning that the U.N. should have withdrawn them from a war zone, 
they are effectively outsourcing the setting of their international 
moral compass to Israel. As Israel encounters stiffer than expected 
resistance and world outrage and condemnation rises of the mounting 
human toll, calls grow for a ceasefire followed by the deployment of 
a fresh peacekeeping force. The nature and prospects of a new 
mission will depend crucially on whether it is conceived and 
designed as a force to reward or punish Israel for its aggression, 
or disarm Hizbollah and stop it from attacking Israel. 

Israel's U.N. Ambassador is publicly contemptuous of the current 
U.N. Interim Force in Lebanon. He mockingly notes that "Interim in 
U.N. jargon is 28 years." His condescension betrays an ignorance of 
history. The United Nations had been extremely reluctant to 
establish a peacekeeping force in the aftermath of Israel's 1978 
invasion of southern Lebanon. It succumbed to U.S. pressure because 
Washington wanted to rescue Israel from the ill-advised invasion, 
but inserted the word "interim" in the name as a compromise. The 
force has been renewed every six months partly because of the 
reluctance to admit failure, partly to prevent Israel from reaping 
the fruits of aggression, and partly because the force has performed 
many functions of a de facto local municipal authority and overseen 
a repopulation of the region under its stabilising auspices. 

The open Israeli contempt for U.N. peacekeeping and the deaths of 
unarmed international observers will make countries much more 
reluctant to contribute to a bolstered or replacement U.N. force. 
Having privileged its historic role as the ultimate guarantor of 
Israel's security over the minimum degree of impartiality required 
to play an honest broker role, can the U.S. organise a multinational 
peacekeeping force? 

Any U.S.-led or NATO force would be seen, resented, and resisted as 
Israel's instrument. The U.S. and its coalition of the dwindling are 
tied down in an increasingly lethal civil war in Iraq whose daily 
average civilian death toll has reached 100. The Taliban is 
resurgent in Afghanistan, challenging NATO forces across 
increasingly expanding areas of the country. Enlarging the theatre 
of conflict to Lebanon will merely confirm many Muslims' suspicions 
of NATO as the armed wing of the Christian West against the rest. 

Sadly, it may be futile to expect significant progress on resolving 
the Middle East conflicts until a prior exorcism of the historical 
guilt over the Holocaust by the West, which explains their lack of 
balance. 

(Ramesh Thakur is senior vice rector of the United Nations 
University [Assistant SG of the UN]. His most recent book is "The 
United Nations, Peace and Security: From Collective Security to the 
Responsibility to Protect" [Cambridge University Press]. These are 
his personal views.)












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