Clearing the path for US war on Iran

Gareth Porter | Asia Times | August 10, 2006

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/HH10Ak05.html


Israel has argued that the war against Hezbollah's rocket arsenal was a 
defensive response to the Shi'ite organization's threat to Israeli security, 
but the evidence points to a much more ambitious objective - the weakening of 
Iran's deterrent to an attack on its nuclear sites. 

In planning for the destruction of most of Hezbollah's arsenal and prevention 
of any resupply from Iran, Israel appears to have hoped to eliminate a major 
reason the US administration had shelved the military option for dealing with 
Iran's nuclear program - the fear that Israel would suffer massive casualties 
from Hezbollah's rockets in retaliation for an attack on Iran's nuclear 
facilities. 

One leading expert on Israeli national-defense policy issues believes the aim 
of the Israeli campaign against Hezbollah was to change the US administration's 
mind about attacking Iran. Edward Luttwak, senior adviser to the 
Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies, says 
administration officials have privately dismissed the option of air strikes 
against Iranian nuclear facilities in the past, citing estimates that a 
Hezbollah rocket attack in retaliation would kill thousands of people in 
northern Israel. 

But Israeli officials saw a war in Lebanon to destroy Hezbollah's arsenal and 
prevent further resupply in the future as a way to eliminate that objection to 
the military option, says Luttwak. 

The risk to Israel of launching such an offensive was that it would unleash the 
very rain of Hezbollah rockets on Israel that it sought to avert. But Luttwak 
believes the Israelis calculated that they could degrade Hezbollah's rocket 
forces without too many casualties by striking preemptively. 

"They knew that a carefully prepared and coordinated rocket attack by Hezbollah 
would be much more catastrophic than one carried out under attack by Israel," 
he said. 

Gerald M Steinberg, an Israeli specialist on security affairs at Bar Ilon 
University who reflects Israeli government thinking, did not allude to the link 
between destruction of Hezbollah's rocket arsenal and a possible attack on Iran 
in an interview with Bernard Gwertzman of the Council on Foreign Relations in 
New York last week. But he did say there is "some expectation" in Israel that 
after the US congressional elections, President George W Bush "will decide that 
he has to do what he has to do". 

Steinberg said Israel wanted to "get an assessment" of whether the United 
States would "present a military attack against the Iranian nuclear sites as 
the only option". If not, he suggested that Israel was still considering its 
own options. 

Specialists on Iran and Hezbollah have long believed that the missiles Iran has 
supplied to Hezbollah were explicitly intended to deter an Israeli attack on 
Iran. Ephraim Kam, a specialist on Iran at Israel's Jaffe Center for Strategic 
Studies, wrote in December 2004 that Hezbollah's threat against northern Israel 
was a key element of Iran's deterrent to a US attack. 

Ali Ansari, an associate professor at the University of St Andrews in Scotland 
and author of a new book on the US confrontation with Iran, was quoted in the 
Toronto Star on July 30 as saying, "Hezbollah was always Iran's deterrent force 
against Israel." 

Iran has also threatened direct retaliation against Israel with the Shahab-3 
missile from Iranian territory. However, Iran may be concerned about the 
possibility that Israel's Arrow system could intercept most of them, as the 
Jaffe Center's Kam observed in 2004. That elevates the importance to Iran of 
Hezbollah's ability to threaten retaliation. 

Hezbollah received some Soviet-era Katyusha rockets, with a range of 8 
kilometers, and hundreds of longer-range missiles, after Israel withdrew from 
southern Lebanon in 2000. But the Israeli daily Ha'aretz, citing a report by 
Israeli military intelligence at the time, has reported that the number of 
missiles and rockets in Hezbollah hands grew to more 12,000 in 2004. 

That was when Iranian officials felt that the Bush administration might 
seriously consider an attack on their nuclear sites, because it knew Iran was 
poised to begin enrichment of uranium. It was also when Iranian officials began 
to imply that Hezbollah could retaliate against any attack on Iran, although 
they have never stated that explicitly. 

The first hint of Iranian concern about the possible strategic implications of 
the Israeli campaign to degrade the Hezbollah missile force in south Lebanon 
came in a report by Michael Slackman in the New York Times on July 25. Slackman 
quoted an Iranian official with "close ties to the highest levels of 
government" as saying, "They want to cut off one of Iran's arms." 

The same story quoted Mohsen Rezai, the former head of Iran's Revolutionary 
Guards, as saying, "Israel and the US knew that as long as Hamas and Hezbollah 
were there, confronting Iran would be costly" - an obvious reference to the 
deterrent value of the missiles in Lebanon. "So, to deal with Iran, they first 
want to eliminate forces close to Iran that are in Lebanon and Palestine." 

Israel has been planning its campaign against Hezbollah's missile arsenal for 
many months. Matthew Kalman reported from Tel Aviv in the San Francisco 
Chronicle on July 21, "More than a year ago, a senior Israeli army officer 
began giving PowerPoint presentations, on an off-the-record basis, to US and 
other diplomats, journalists and think tanks, setting out the plan for the 
current operation in revealing detail." 

Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's main purpose in meeting with Bush on May 
25 was clearly to push the United States to agree to use force, if necessary, 
to stop Iran's uranium-enrichment program. Four days before the meeting, Olmert 
told CNN that Iran's "technological threshold" was "very close". In response to 
a question about US and European diplomacy on the issue, Olmert replied, "I 
prefer to take the necessary measures to stop it, rather than find out later 
that my indifference was so dangerous." 

At his meeting with Bush, according to Yitzhak Benhorin of Israel's ynetnews, 
Olmert pressed Bush on Israel's intelligence assessment that Iran would gain 
the technology necessary to build a bomb within a year and expressed fears that 
diplomatic efforts were not going to work. 

It seems likely that Olmert discussed Israel's plans for degrading Hezbollah's 
missile capabilities as a way of dramatically reducing the risks involved in an 
air campaign against Iran's nuclear sites, and that Bush gave his approval. 
That would account for Olmert's comment to Israeli reporters after the meeting, 
reported by ynetnews but not by US news media: "I am very, very, very 
satisfied." 

Bush's refusal to do anything to curb Israel's freedom to cause havoc on 
Lebanon further suggests that he encouraged the Israelis to take advantage of 
any pretext to launch the offensive. The Israeli plan may have given US Vice 
President Dick Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld new ammunition for 
advocating a strike on Iran's nuclear sites. 

Rumsfeld was the voice of administration policy toward Iran from 2002 to 2004, 
and he often appeared to be laying the political groundwork for an eventual 
military attack on Iran. But he has been silenced on the subject of Iran since 
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice took over Iran policy in January 2005. 

Gareth Porter is a historian and national-security policy analyst. His latest 
book, Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam, 
was published in June 2005. 


   
 
  

                                
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