Bush and the `Islamofascists'

Perspectives | The Statesman | September 12, 2006

http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=4&theme=&usrsess=1&id=129436


Ever since World War II, the West has seen in all those hostile to 
its policies a re-incarnation of Hitler. Victory in a virtuous and 
just war has been replayed time and again; often to lend legitimacy 
to far more equivocal campaigns than the fight against Nazism. This 
means that the most heterogeneous collection of people have been 
lumped together to create a sense of menace: our values in peril, 
the threat of world dominance, the hydra-head of tyranny and the 
dictators we do not appease (as opposed to those we welcome with 
open arms). 
It has become a mantra against hate-figures of all kinds who have 
threatened Western interests, usually economic ones. Mahmoud 
Ahmadinejad of Iran and Saddam Hussein are only the most recent 
inheritors, via a long line of bogeymen, some distinctly more 
loathsome than others, including Mossadegh, Nasser, Gaddafi, 
Milosevic, Ceaucescu, Noriega, Ho Chi Minh, Castro, Khomeini, Daniel 
Ortega, Hugo Chavez and even Salvator Allende. The label of Fascist 
or Nazi has been the epithet of choice, often prefatory to some act 
of violence, or the toppling of some regime unfavourable to the 
West. One advantage of the multi-purpose demon of Hitler is that it 
leads to ideological confusion, since it has been applied to leaders 
from the extreme Left to the far Right; from military dictators to 
democratically elected Socialists. 
Mr Bush and the USA's neo-Conservatives have resurrected the spectre 
of Fascists in the war on terror. Is this because terror is too 
abstract a concept to urge a proper degree of popular hysteria? It 
is necessary to rummage in the depleted rag-bag of memory to wave 
some familiar hate-brand (a kind of malign version of salesmanship) 
that will rouse a people living in a perpetual present, torpid with 
affluence and numbed by violence as entertainment, into a proper 
indignation against those who would attack "our way of life".
George Bush, on the eve of the fifth anniversary of 11 September, 
quoted from the published works, mainly letters and videos, of Osama 
bin Laden to an audience of the Military Officers' Association of 
America. He likened these to Lenin's What is To Be Done? and 
Hitler's Mein Kampf. "Bin Laden and his terrorist allies made their 
intentions clear as Lenin and Hitler before them," warned the 
President. 
Whether efforts to assimilate Islamists to Fascists or to Communists 
will strike the necessary chord of terror in the minds of Americans 
is questionable; not least because a disturbing number of the 
elements of fascism are evident in the present regime of the USA. To 
invoke the spectre of fascism is, in this connection, a form of 
projection ~ a process familiar to psychologists dealing with 
individuals, but no less relevant in countries confronting 
implacable foes. Among these features are a militant nationalism, 
the elevation and worship of the military, the presence of an 
external enemy on which "eternal war" must be waged, viewing dissent 
as treason, a nexus of big government and big business, an erosion 
of civil liberties, undermining of democracy (by wealth, fraud or 
media dominance), xenophobia and scapegoating of organised labour.
The obvious error in any attempt to assimilate the Islamists to 
Fascism or Communism is that both of the latter were materialist 
ideologies, although both mutated into a semi-mystical belief; 
Nazism, on the one hand, into a transcendent nationalism, with its 
mystique of collective bonding in the pursuit of the supremacy of 
the race, and, on the other, into an irrational belief 
that "History" was on the side of Socialism, faith in the 
establishment of heaven on earth following the "inevitable" 
dictatorship of the proletariat.
The tireless attempts by the West to extirpate these malignant 
secular faiths, despite the victory over Nazism and the defeat of 
Communism, have not been entirely successful. Fascist or neo-Fascist 
dictatorships formed some of the West's strongest allies in the 
struggle against the Red Menace; few will forget the tenderness of 
Western leaders towards Suharto, Marcos, Pinochet, Mobutu or even 
Idi Amin, as well as the military rulers of Central and South 
America and South Asia. 
The faith of Islamists is of a different order from the allegiance 
demanded of their votaries by secular beliefs, despite the 
convergence of certain practices between the two. It is a paradox 
that the West could not rid the world swiftly enough of rival 
secular ideologies: this is because these were a threat to their own 
hegemony in the arena of secularism. It is clear that 
the "pluralism" advocated by the West allows of only one form of 
secular ideology, namely that version embodied in its own system. 
More than this: the use of other-worldly ideologies to vanquish 
secular beliefs was the preferred means of engineering the fall of 
Communism. Afghanistan has a vibrant significance. It is no secret 
that the USA assisted the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, but the 
strongest weapon in their armoury was not furnished by the mighty 
arms production system of the USA, but the use of religion as 
politics, an explosive mingling of ideas on earthly governance with 
those sanctified by revealed religion, an inextricable tangle of 
this world with the next.
Did they know what they were doing at the time? Could they not have 
foreseen the combustible consequences of their actions; or were they 
so blinded by hatred of Communism that its destruction had to take 
precedence over everything else? It is an irony that Mr Bush still 
includes Mr Castro (and more recently Mr Chavez) in his list of 
regimes to be toppled, for Communism (by contrast with the faith of 
the re-establishment of the Caliphate, the introduction of sharia 
law, the rule of clerics over the everyday affairs of business, 
commerce, social intercourse, sexual relations and every other 
aspect of human life), now seems a relatively mild alternative, one 
with which "peaceful co-existence" was from time to time regarded as 
a thinkable possibility. 
By a strange interplay of ideologies ~ which prove to have a life of 
their own, not amenable to control by any known power ~ it seems 
that Mr Bush and the rulers of America have learned a great deal 
from the would-be theocratic dominators of the world; since it is 
their version of truth and freedom which must prevail, not only in 
their own heartlands, but across the globe. The folly of this 
delusion ought to be self-evident in the shallow and ritualistic 
enactment of "democracy" in countries like Iraq or Afghanistan. It 
is as though the process of "voting" ~ albeit for warlords, drug-
dealers, arms merchants, tribal patriarchs ~ itself constitutes 
democracy; when the superficial electoralism of the West is called 
into question by waning popular participation, and the alienation of 
increasing numbers of people there.
In the USA, it seems, any ordinary millionaire can now become 
President, and huge sums of money are required for the electoral 
process to tale place at all. Is that democracy? 
With the faltering of the ideals proclaimed by the West in its 
domestic arrangements, how much more grotesque it is to point to the 
supervised and coerced "choices" abroad as the triumph of democracy, 
which has led neither to security nor to peace, and which has been 
unable to answer even the most basic needs of its enfranchised 
people in Afghanistan and Iraq. The avowed intention of the USA is 
the establishment of its own system worldwide. This is also the 
language of dominance, and it echoes the delusional intentions of 
bin Laden.
If Mr Bush recognises Islamofascism when he sees it, this is perhaps 
because he wishes to cast out its mirror-image, which lurks within 
his own version of truth and freedom which he wishes upon the whole 
world.

(The author lives in Britain. He has written plays for the stage, TV 
and radio, made TV documentaries, published more than 30 books and 
contributed to leading journals around the world. 
email:[EMAIL PROTECTED])










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