Why sanctions on Iran will fail

Hossein Askari* | Asia Times | September 19, 2006 

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/HI19Ak01.html



US President George W Bush is calling for multilateral sanctions on Iran. 
Sanctions won't succeed in cowing Iran, but they will indeed have ominous 
consequences for the United States and the rest of the world. 

Last Wednesday at the International Atomic Energy Agency, the Bush 
administration promoted a swift drafting of punitive sanctions by the United 
Nations Security Council against Iran this month. Economic sanctions only 
achieve their goals in very special circumstances, and Iran does not fit the 
bill. Washington should rethink its overall policy toward the country. 

The United States has applied a varied mix of economic sanctions on Iran since 
1979, in a bid to reverse a host of Tehran's policies and, ultimately, bring 
about regime change. Clearly, the sanctions have not worked. And while the US 
has been busy tightening its screws, average Iranians have become more 
nationalistic and supportive of the mullahs. 

The only discernible result of US sanctions on Iran has been to delay Iran's 
development of its energy resources. Iran's oil and natural-gas reserves equal 
those of Saudi Arabia. The US has obstructed the development of at least two 
known large oilfields in Iran (Azadegan and Yadavaran), which together could 
have proven reserves exceeding 35 billion barrels and produce more than a 
million barrels per day of crude at their expected peak; has hindered oil and 
gas development in the Caspian Sea by playing the countries of the region 
against one another; has vetoed the construction of a Caspian pipeline through 
Iran (even though it would cost only about half the price of alternative 
pipelines); and has opposed Iranian gas pipelines to Pakistan and India, even 
offering India nuclear deals in exchange for not buying Iranian gas. 
All these US policies have delayed making Iranian oil and gas supplies 
available and have increased energy prices. Continued impediments to oil and 
gas development in Iran could reduce Iranian exports by the oil equivalent of 
more than 5 million barrels per day over the next decade. 

The US policy is based on the premise that lowering Iranian oil and gas exports 
would hurt Iranian revenues. But US Middle East policy has in fact buoyed oil 
prices, which may have increased Iranian revenues, albeit at lower export 
levels. 

Economic sanctions have come at a huge cost to the United States. Economics 101 
tells us that lower supplies mean higher prices for everyone. The oil market is 
in essence one global market, although crude-oil types do differ; cleaner 
fuels, natural gas and natural-gas liquids increasingly compete with oil. 
Because of sanctions, the US does not buy Iranian oil and gas, but if Iranian 
energy supplies came to market this would, in turn, afford the US more supplies 
from other countries and lower prices globally. Equally important, piped 
Iranian natural gas could in time be destined for Europe, reducing Europe's 
reliance on Russian gas and the potential for blackmail by Russia. The 
increased availability of Iranian energy supplies could make an increasing 
difference to energy prices and security over the next decade. 

There have also been political costs. US actions on Iran have made the average 
Iranian feel more insecure. Iranians haven't forgotten US support for Iraq 
during the Iran-Iraq War, nor are they at ease with the US military presence in 
Afghanistan, Iraq, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the Central Asian republics. 
Ironically, sanctions, higher energy prices and bellicose threats from the US 
have bought more time for the mullahs in Tehran, who now have more money and 
ample reason to fuel nationalistic fervor. 

At any rate, the UN Security Council will not vote for even limited sanctions 
on Iran. China, Russia or both will veto such a move. Even if sanctions to 
freeze all Iranian government assets (about US$70 billion) were adopted by the 
UN, Iran could still get by. Iran has had plenty of practice and time to 
prepare for such situations and has placed assets in places where they cannot 
be readily identified as Iranian. All sanctions, even comprehensive sanctions, 
are notoriously porous. In addition, sanctions imposed by a "coalition of the 
willing" will only become an international embarrassment for the US, 
potentially placating a domestic constituency but succeeding in further 
alienating Iranians and making ongoing US interventions in the region even more 
difficult and costly. 

Finally, and most important, it is almost certain that Iran would react to any 
UN or coalition-of-the-willing sanctions by cutting oil exports by at least 
50%, driving oil prices above $100 per barrel, with Americans paying close to 
$5 a gallon (about $1.30 per liter) for gasoline; a total stoppage of Iranian 
oil exports (3.2 million barrels per day) would drive oil prices above $150 per 
barrel, with Americans paying $6-$7 a gallon ($1.60-$1.85 a liter) for 
gasoline. 
There are about a million barrels per day of global excess capacity today 
(largely in the Persian Gulf countries), but Saudi Arabia, the United Arab 
Emirates and Kuwait will think "thrice" before they try to make up any 
shortfall in Iranian oil exports. And if there is another conflict in the 
Middle East, Arab rulers could be driven by public sentiment to join Iran in 
cutting oil exports. Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez could lend them a hand 
too, with even more ominous implications for the global energy market and in 
turn for the world economy. 

There is a viable alternative to imposing more sanctions: stop threatening 
Iran, especially in public. And the United States should try to understand (not 
necessarily agree with) the Iranian perspective, minimize hubris and engage in 
true dialogue. Iran would be instrumental in allowing the US to solve most of 
the problems it faces in the Middle East, including achieving peace and 
stability in the region, saving US lives and treasure, and enhancing global 
energy supplies. 

*Hossein Askari is the Iran professor of international business and 
international affairs at George Washington University. 
                                
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