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>From An Agricultural To An Industrial Society

Amlan Datta | The Statesman | March 02, 2007

http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=3&theme=&usrsess=1&id=148562


Love and war, war and love, constitute the major theme of the
ancient epics and, indeed, of human history. But man must live
before he loves and fights. So the story of man includes economics,
which originally meant "the art of household management". That art
has evolved and grown more complex with time and it has come to be
used to designate stages of the evolution of human society.

The major features of the present age, including its forms of
government, arts and technology, morals and styles of life, are
meaningfully yet loosely related to a central drama, a story which
takes its character from an intricate combination of wars, local and
global, and the transition from an agrarian to a predominantly
industrial economy. This transition to an industrial society did not
take place at the same time in all parts of the globe. Its design
was not the same everywhere. Nor has the process been completed yet.
History reveals alternative paths of growth. In what way and how far
to carry this process forward is an important question for the
future of human society.

Safe future

On the answer to that question will depend vital changes in the
physical environment of our planet during the coming decades as also
prospects of sustainable development and a safe future for mankind.
To argue that man can have no control over the process of this great
transition is to offer a counsel of total despair and loss of faith
in the power of reason. We have to look at the past, try to
understand the nature of the problem and chart out our course for
the future.

Let us take a quick look at past history, hoping to gain some
understanding of roadblocks and guideposts for the future. England
was among the first countries to make regular and substantial
transfer of land from production of crops to other productive uses.
Plots of land scattered in open fields had to be enclosed to
facilitate this process. This was done quite early to facilitate
sheep farming. The Enclosure Acts of the 18th century came closer to
what can be properly called the Industrial Revolution. There are a
few special points to bear in mind for an understanding of the
English experience. It was common among families of English
landlords to send out younger brothers for non-agricultural
occupations, such as long-distance commerce, leaving the management
of land to the care of the eldest brother. Thus the English family
system could be more easily adjusted to the requirements of an
industrial transition. Add to this the fact that, thanks to
geographical discoveries, a "new world" had already opened up where
people could migrate to seek fortunes abroad.

Despite these favourable circumstances, the English experience of
the transition to industrial society was by no means happy. In fact,
this was a particularly unhappy period in the life of the English
people. This is a view which is clearly reflected in the literature
of that period. It finds eloquent confirmation in the laws enacted
at that time to enforce order. The blessings of democracy were
enjoyed by a small upper class in society. The poor laws bear
unmistakable testimony to the misery of the common people which
imperialist plunder in colonies did little to alleviate. There was a
great increase in the number of uprooted "vagabonds" thrown up in
the turmoil of the industrial transition in England and extremely
harsh methods were prescribed to deal with these restless and
hapless people. The moral fervour in Marx's denunciation of
capitalism is easy to understand and easier to sympathise with
against this social background. There is enough evidence of man's
inhumanity in the social history of England in the 19th century to
make any knowledgeable person with a modicum of conscience sit up
and think of an alternative path of development.

Unfortunately, the Soviet Union failed to show the desired
alternative. In some ways the problem of transition to an industrial
society in Stalin's Russia was very different from what it was in
England in an earlier century. One basic difference can be very
simply stated. England is a comparatively small country with a high
density of population. The Soviet Union, by contrast, is a huge land
mass with more sparsely populated areas. In the drive towards
industrialisation, it is not the acquisition of land for setting up
industry which presented the main problem in the USSR. Rather, it
was the procurement of surplus food stock from the farmers to feed
the towns which appeared as a crucial bottleneck.

In the late 1920s, the Stalinist leadership resolved to launch an
all-out collectivisation campaign in the agricultural sector. It was
argued that collective farms would provide an organisational base
for higher productivity. However, there was also a more compelling
consideration. It was guessed rightly that collectivisation would
strengthen the control of the party over the agricultural sector and
so make it easier to achieve higher targets of centralised
procurement of grain to meet the needs of the industrial sector. The
campaign for rapid collectivisation started in 1929 and some writers
have designated the next five years the period of "the Soviet Great
Leap Forward". Statistics relating to progress of collectivisation
and changes in agricultural production and procurement over these
years are available from Moscow and these tell a grim story. The
percentage of crop area collectivised rose from 33.6 in 1930 to 87.4
in 1934; grain harvest in million tons is estimated to have declined
from 83.5 in 1930 to 67.6 in 1934; and, despite this decrease in
production, state grain procurement in million tons rose from 10.8
in 1928 to 22.1 in 1930 and stood at approximately the same height
thereafter (22.6 million tons in 1933). It remains only to add a
brief note on the methods by which this extraordinary operation was
carried out.

Ruthless force

Stalin's speech at the 15th Party Congress (December 1927) on the
subject of transition from agriculture to industrialisation sounded
moderate and reasonable. Referring to the economic situation
prevailing in Russia at that juncture, he said: "What is the way
out? The way out is to unite the small and dwarf peasant farms
gradually but surely, not by pressure but by example and persuasion,
into large farms based on ... collective cultivation of the land."
The Soviet "great leap forward" was actually executed not
by "persuasion" but by a massive and ruthless use of force. A very
large number of people who refused to cooperate were exiled forcibly
to Siberia and a very large number perished. Demographic studies put
the number of unnatural deaths in these disturbed times at several
millions and the horror of it all is unforgettably depicted in
Russian literature by great writers such as Solzhenitsyn and
Pasternak.

Among the leaders of the CPSU in the 1920s, there was no discord on
the need for industrialisation. But Bukharin proposed a strategy of
economic development that would have been more peaceful. It did not
fit in with Stalin's power game and was rejected. Yet it helped
inscribe on the agenda of history the need for a peaceful transition
from agriculture to industry.

(To be concluded)




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