The Prospects for Democracy in the Middle East
A Critic of Larry Diamond’s Spirit of Democracy in the context of the Middle 
East

M.Cuneyt Ozsahin, Cristopher Westergen, Faiza Rais | Reflection Cafe*

http://www.reflectioncafe.net/2008/06/prospects-for-democracy-in-middle-east.html

Simply, this critique attempts to assess the validity of Larry Diamond’s 
argumentation for the Middle East in his best-seller book. Of all the regions 
of the world, the Middle East stands as exceptionally inhospitable to 
democratic reforms. Larry Diamond’s analysis of this region in his book The 
Spirit of Democracy is incredibly pessimistic about the regions potential for 
change.[1] After decades of monarchical and strong presidential authoritarian 
rule many countries appeared to make limited reforms in the late 1990’s only 
to see them reversed at the turn of the millennium. Diamond’s analysis of the 
Middle East region and democracy touches upon a fundamental question: how 
should the question of democracy in the Middle East be analyzed? After a 
reading of Diamond’s writing this emerges as a question in itself. 
Diamond’s chapter begins from a moment in the Middle East where political 
change in the direction of democracy appears imminent but moves to a point 
where he concludes, “For the time being the moment of democratic reform in 
the Arab world has passed.”[2] These two points can be described as being 
pivotal in the understanding of democracy in the Middle East and trace the 
nature of its existence, however sparse there. For example, recent findings 
(2008) from Freedom House reveal a similar path: “The period of modest gains 
that had marked the region’s political landscape in the post-9/11 period came 
to an end in 2007 with freedom experiencing a decline in a number of important 
countries and territories.”[3] It would be apposite to infer that these two 
points frame Diamond’s analysis on the question of democracy in the Middle 
East. The bulk of Diamond’s analysis flows from the conclusion or rather 
observation that democracy has yet again to develop as a prospect in the Middle 
East.

In general, patterns do not appear to have changed much in the Middle East so 
far. In many respects, Diamond’s depiction keeps its validity. In Syria, a 
referendum in 2007 endorsed Bashar al-assad as the president for a second 
seven-year term. He was the only candidate. Political discussion, let alone 
organized opposition, was restricted and the media tightly controlled[4]. In 
Egypt, the strongest opposition organization which has broad public support, 
the Muslim Brotherhood, is still banned from open political activity and under 
suppression[5]. In Jordan, King Abdullah, the monarch, is still exercising 
extensive powers; he appoints governments, approves legislation and is able to 
dissolve parliament[6]. Violence in Palestine is going on in full force. The 
political atmosphere is not so different for other countries of the region. The 
only notable change occurred in Egypt. The Democratic Front Party is an 
Egyptian political party established in 2007. It adopts liberal ideologies. It 
espouses the motto Freedom, Justice, Responsibility. The party was founded by 
Dr. Osama AL Ghazali Harb, a former member of the National Democratic Party 
(The ruling party in Egypt for over 30 years) , and Dr. Yehia El Gamal, a 
former cabinet minister[7].The success or failure of Democratic Front seems to 
be hard to estimate right now.

Diamond discovers two obstacles obstructing the growth of democracy in the 
region: ethnic and religious fractionalization and fundamental Islam. These two 
factors were alleged as pretenses to rebuff and dampen public demands and 
justify authoritarian governments.[8] . The Middle East as a region is so 
intertwined that individual affairs might affect other counties in the region 
to a great extent. It is helpful to consider a diffusion affect of particular 
conflicts among different parties that not only runs the risk of threatening 
these parties but also overall security of the region.

In this regard, conflict between Palestine and Israel is still a central 
problem in the region. Sadly, the magnitude of conflict between two sides has 
increased rather than decreased over time. The Palestinian Authority 
experienced a change in status, from partly free to not free, due to “the 
collapse of a unified government initiated by the takeover of Gaza by Hamas” 
and subsequent events leading to vast amount of violence across the region[9]. 
Today, there is a two-headed government, and authority is shared by two 
parties, Hamas and Fatah, standing on the opposite edges in the political 
spectrum. While Hamas is a religiously oriented and belligerent party, Fatah is 
a secular and conciliatory.[10] As Larry Diamond, appropriately points out, 
resolution of the conflict is crucial to bring the peace to the region. A 
number of fundamentalist organizations, including Al-Qaeda, exploit the 
Palestinian problem, which is framed as a sacred struggle due to holy places 
located in Jerusalem, and occupies place in the collective memory of Arab 
society, in order to take support of the Arab society. One of the adjacent 
countries, Lebanon is also divided between pro-Syrian and anti-Syrian forces. 
The 2006 Lebanon War, which Diamond did not include in his analysis, is also 
started with the fundamentalist organization Hezbollah’s attacks on Israeli 
territory. Following that, three Israeli soldiers were arrested and taken to 
Lebanon. Israel responded with massive airstrikes and artillery fire on targets 
in Lebanon, which damaged Lebanese civilian infrastructure.[11] The overall 
result was dramatic; the conflict killed more than a thousand people, most of 
whom were Lebanese civilians. It is a fact that deeply rooted hatred between 
two different sides-Israeli and Palestinian- seems to have spread across the 
Arab world. If Islamic extremism is fueled by this conflict, the prospects of 
such dangerous fanaticism disappearing in the near future seem quite unlikely.

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