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 Date:  Sun Aug 12, 2001  4:51 pm
 Subject:  TorSun: Truth lies buried in Balkan hell holes

 THE TORONTO SUN, Sunday, August 12, 2001 Print Only

 Truth lies buried in Balkan hell holes

 By GARTH PRITCHARD
Special To The Sun

 It was the classic case of the 100-foot stare in a 10-foot room.

 The dialogue was flat, almost disembodied. But the young soldiers were 
 trying to speak to the camera. They had been asked what happened in 
 the Medac pocket in 1993 when Croat forces attacked the Krajina, then 
 held by Serbs.

 The horrors they witnessed were close to unspeakable. The young 
 soldier looked at the camera lens, and beyond. He remembered what he 
 had seen:
"They
 (the Croats) were using people from the villages to carry the 
 belongings they had stolen. We trailed them towards the mountains, and 
 as we got
close,
 they started to kill people - a warning for us to stop the chase.

 'We tried our best'

 "We radioed what was happening and were told not to go any further. 
 I'm sorry, sir. We really didn't know whether or not we got the right 
 body
parts
 in the right body bags. We tried our best, sir."

 The horrors of the Medac pocket were obvious the day I arrived in the
battle
 zone. Maybe it was the child's bicycle lying in the mud at the
crossroads -
 run over by tanks. Or the gutted buildings. But for sure there'd been
horror
 there. Everything was destroyed. Everything gone. All animals, even 
 chickens, had been slaughtered. And, of course, the smell.

 A Balkan hell hole. Unreported. It would be two years before the 
 Canadian media picked up the story and explained that this was the 
 biggest battle Canadians had been involved in since the Korean War.

 Canadians, under the United Nations, had put a stop to the slaughter 
 of Serbs by the Croats reputedly under the command of Croat Maj. Gen. 
 Rahim Ademi who on July 26, 2001, gave himself up to the Hague War 
 Crimes
Tribunal
 to face charges of murder, plunder, wanton destruction and crimes 
 against humanity.

 The general is quoted as saying that his conscience is clear. As a 
 film-maker following the Canadian involvement, I have covered the 
 Balkans extensively for years and have always tried to remain 
 impartial. But what happened in the Medac pocket is beyond most 
 atrocities that I've tried to record, including the killing fields in 
 Kosovo.

 My conscience is not clear. I covered the Medac pocket and allowed the 
 National Film Board and other so-called Canadian national news 
 agencies to turn a blind eye to what happened there.

 The common thread in the Medac pocket and Krajina, is what happened to
Serb
 civilians. For a reason I can't comprehend, the same yardstick is not
being
 used by the Canadian media and now The Hague to judge Croats as is 
 used in judging Serbs and Muslims in other parts of the Balkans.

 It appears that evidence of war crimes against Croats in the Krajina 
 has been lost. So now, Croatian general staff officers are giving 
 themselves
up
 to the tribunal. Something very strange is under way here.

 There is one absolute in all this: Canadians were involved, and 
 Canadians know what happened. In 1995, Gen. Alain Forand was in charge 
 of the UN contingent in the Krajina when the Croats swept through in a 
 five-day blitzkrieg that displaced 185,000 Serbs. Canadians under his 
 command know the truth and have tried to speak out. But their voices 
 haven't been
heard.

 The same holds true for the Canadian soldiers at Medac, 1993.

 Shelling of Knin

 Canadian Capt. Phil Berkhoff, now retired, explained to my camera what 
 happened in the 1995 shelling of Knin. An old lady, holding her dead
husband
 in her arms, her eye blown out, refused to leave her husband's side as 
 the captain pleaded with her to go before another mortar attack.

 "We did the best we could," said Capt. Berkhoff. "It was horrible. 
 These were civilians. We lifted one man to put him in a body bag, and 
 his brain spilled on my foot.

 "We moved body bags across some grass near a fence, and when we came 
 back Croat tanks had crossed the grass deliberately and run over the 
 body bags. We didn't know if these dead were Serb, Croat or Muslim. 
 Neither did the people in the Croat tanks."

 Gen. Forand and his small contingent of Canadians in Knin saved and 
 protected 780 refugees for two months while the UN called them 
 "displaced persons" and wanted them released to the street and the 
 Croats. Forland refused. Not on his watch. Not Rwanda all over again. 
 Not this time.

 Knin was smashed. Civilians were slaughtered. Animals were castrated 
 and shot. Farms were burned. The Krajina was ethnically cleansed of 
 more than 185,000 human beings whose roots were there for the ages.

 What occurred on the highway that led to Serbia has not been told: An 
 old woman told me that when her farm was shelled, her son was hit and 
 died in her arms. She turned to tell her husband that their son was 
 dead, but he
was
 also dead. Thousands of vehicles littered the landscape, overturned,
burned,
 shot full of holes.

 Bullet-riddled body

 Tens of thousands of little piles of personal belongings lay in the 
 open, some neatly stacked, others scattered - an old woman sprawled in 
 an
ancient
 car, her body riddled by a machine-gun; the bodies of a family of 
 farmers, thrown down the farm's well, probably while they were still 
 alive.

 I documented much of this. The National Film Board and CBC refused any
part
 of it.

 The Canadian media? To them, the main story at the time was two 
 trailers that caught fire at a barbecue Canadian military personnel 
 had. Where were the stories of Canadian soldiers in flak jackets lying 
 on top of people
who
 had none, to protect them from bombardments going on?

 What happened at Knin's main hospital? I was told the sick were thrown 
 out of windows, the basement piled high with bodies. Were the Croats 
 given permission by the UN and United States to attack the Krajina? 
 Where the
hell
 did all their tanks come from? Who trained the crews?

 There are many Canadians who know the truth. One Canadian, who worked 
 for the UN, tells of staggering amounts of money paid by him to Croats 
 - in cash. If a UN contingent needed the Polish tanks for mine 
 clearance, the
UN
 received an invoice for damage to Croatian roads - again to be paid in
cash.

 Unbelievable amounts of money, always in cash, were paid out to billet 
 UN soldiers in blown-out buildings. There were monthly meetings, 
 parties,
cash
 paid out. When UN helicopters landed at Croat airports, cash was 
 handed
over
 for landing rights.

 Were the Croats told to clean up the evidence of war as soon as 
 possible? For sure, they were painting the lines back on Krajina's 
 roads within days of the five-day blitzkrieg. For sure, the UN was 
 saying the Krajina hadn't been seriously damaged.

 In fact, the main street was destroyed and most of the buildings in 
 town
had
 been hit by mortar artillery fire. As for the hospital that had bodies
lying
 around it, thrown from windows - quickly cleaned up. A few days later 
 it
was
 actually functioning.

 In Knin, as in the Medac pocket, there were unspeakable atrocities. 
 The Canadian media chose to ignore both events, although thousands of 
 Canadian soldiers were there. Canadian peacekeepers did not pick sides 
 and saved thousands of lives. It now appears that all evidence of war 
 crimes has disappeared - except in the minds of young Canadians who 
 served there.

 The National Film Board of Canada, which sent me there, did not do a 
 documentary on the Krajina, although I was there with my camera. 
 Instead, they chose to do a one-hour documentary on ballroom dancing 
 in Germany.

 Jeopardize lives

 The NFB ordered me to give my footage to the War Crimes Tribunal 
 people
who
 I met in Toronto. I was against this, believing that film-makers 
 should never give unedited footage to any court without being legally 
 obligated
to
 do so. Otherwise, I believe we jeopardize the lives of directors and 
 cameramen who go to the world's war zones.

 To give unedited footage to the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague 
 without legal paperwork demanding it is wrong, especially if there's 
 been a
decision
 not to make it into a documentary for the public consumption.

 Today, evidence of war crimes in the Krajina appears to be missing. 
 Canadians know the truth, even if there's no documentary showing the
results
 of the Medac pocket and Krajina. And for this I am truly angry.

 Maj. Gen. Rahim Ademi, the reputed commander of the Croat troops at 
 Medac, may claim to have a clear conscience.

 I do not.

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