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USA Today
September 20, 2001
Tragedy can tighten U.S., Russian ties 
By Dusko Doder 

It is a moment shot through with heart-wrenching ironies. America and
Russia 
-- or at least the former Soviet Union -- did not fight in the
traditional way 
during the Cold War. But they did engage in a fierce proxy war in 
Afghanistan. That war was largely responsible for the communist
superpower's 
unraveling.

Could Afghanistan again become a focal point in the two countries'
complex 
relationship? One where they finally find common cause? That seems
perfectly 
possible -- providing this week's meetings of top government officials
of the 
two countries are successful.

Russian President Vladimir Putin already has endorsed America's call for
a 
global coalition against terrorism. He has made noises about possibly
joining 
an allied military action in Afghanistan, refuge of the main suspect in
the 
terrorist attacks, Osama bin Laden.

Words, of course, are not actions. Putin had insisted that a thorough 
investigation precede any military action; his defense minister, Sergei 
Ivanov, had opposed Western "troop presence" in former Soviet Central
Asia. 
Their real calculations will emerge later.

But it seems entirely possible that Russian-American relations now could

shift into a more productive groove -- despite the ironies. The
Russians, 
after all, invaded Afghanistan in 1979 to provide "fraternal aid" to a 
communist puppet regime against Islamic rebels. The United States took
the 
side of the rebels. Guess who was a main rebel leader trained and
supported 
by the United States? None other than bin Laden.

The Russian war in Afghanistan devastated Soviet society and its
economy. It 
sparked an Islamic revival in Soviet Central Asia. More than any single 
event, it led to the unraveling of the Soviet empire, leaving Russia
with 
perpetual instability on its southern borders. To Moscow, the Sept. 11 
catastrophe may lend credence to Putin's claim that his own war in
Chechnya 
is a struggle against Muslim radicals with roots in Afghanistan.

An American-Russian action against bin Laden and his followers in
Afghanistan 
could be part of a cooperative effort that might engender the trust that
has 
been missing. Russia has extensive intelligence on Afghanistan. Moscow 
maintains military bases near Afghan borders in the former Soviet
republics 
of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan; it also has a motorized division deployed
on 
the Tajik side of the Tajik-Afghan border.

Russia's cooperation, especially providing Western allies access to
these 
military facilities, could prove crucial if the United States decides to
take 
military action against the Taliban government hosting the Islamic
terrorists.

The other aspect is even more important: the danger of a terrorist group

acquiring nuclear or biological weapons. The Sept. 11 attack makes amply

clear that there are people so blinded by their cause that they would do

anything in its name. Since the collapse of communism, Russia has been
awash 
in nuclear materials -- and in scientists with the know-how for making
weapons 
of mass destruction.

The American officials now in Moscow need to use their meetings with
Russian 
leaders to try to forge a new dialogue. In particular, they need to
soothe 
Russian feathers ruffled during recent months as the United States
threatened 
to proceed unilaterally with plans to build an anti-missile shield.

And the U.S. delegation should look for ways to proceed jointly in the
new 
anti-terrorism war. One of the key ingredients of success in the 1991
Gulf 
War was the ability of George Bush, the president's father, to persuade 
Kremlin leader Mikhail Gorbachev to join the anti-Iraq coalition.

The struggle against terrorism is, of course, a very different kind of
war, 
likely to be more complex and more protracted than the first President
Bush's 
conventional war against Iraq. The possibility of nuclear terrorism must
be 
considered and appropriate measures taken to protect the United States.
But 
we must recognize that no amount of money can prevent future terrorist 
attacks if this is not backed up by skillful diplomacy.

Putin, a former secret police agent, has shown himself during the past 2

years to be a pragmatic politician. Russia, in his view, has nothing to
gain 
from a confrontation with the United States. He has inherited a country 
experiencing a dramatic decline in living standards, its economy in
shambles. 
He needs time to reform Russia's financial and tax systems, create an
orderly 
society and rebuild the machinery of state power. His country's economic

revival is to a great extent dependent on closer ties with the West.

Putin also believes that Russia is, and must remain, a great power. Its 
great-power status is now based solely on its nuclear strike force. He
had 
felt threatened by the plans for the missile-defense shield.

But, as Sept. 11's tragedy demonstrated, the international climate can
change 
overnight. The war on global terrorism -- a phenomenon that knows no 
geographic limits -- will need a new approach, including the skillful 
diplomatic forging of a new alliance. One important part of that:
finding a 
new common cause for Russia and the United States.

Dusko Doder is the author of several books on Russia, including
Gorbachev: 
Heretic in the Kremlin and Shadows and Whispers: Power Politics Inside
the 
Kremlin from Brezhnev to Gorbachev.

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