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NATO'S CREDIBILITY IN MACEDONIA 

By Robert Greenberg

(Editor's Note: The bombing of Serbia and Kosovo escalated NATO
involvement 
in the Balkans, but its military and peacekeeping presence have
increased 
without a strategic plan. Now NATO has stepped into the civil conflict
in 
Macedonia, but its credibility as a force for pluralistic governance is 
being questioned throughout the region. Most agree that international 
peacekeepers are needed, but thus far NATO's peacekeeping commitment to 
Macedonia appears flawed, short-sighted, and half-hearted. A new FPIF 
commentary, excerpted below, examines the crisis in Macedonia. It is
posted 
in its entirety at:
http://www.fpif.org/commentary/0108macedonia.html)

In Macedonia peace remains elusive, despite the signing of a political 
compromise between Macedonia's ethnic Albanian and Macedonian leaders on

August 13. Relations between the country's Macedonian and Albanian 
communities are on the verge of a complete breakdown.

What the media has termed a "peace deal" bears little resemblance to a 
veritable peace agreement. Rather, the agreement represents a major
reform 
package, that would radically change the nature of the Macedonian state,

which will be celebrating its 10th year of independence on September 8. 
Facing international political pressure and military pressure from the 
Albanian insurgency, government negotiators agreed to make many 
concessions. The agreement provides for broader participation of the 
Albanian minority in the police, recognition of Albanian as an official 
language in certain regions of the country, and sweeping constitutional 
changes designed to enhance the position of minority groups in the
country.

The National Liberation Army became active in Macedonia in February
2001. 
Fighting between the NLA and Macedonian security forces escalated 
dramatically over the summer months. Currently, the NLA occupies dozens
of 
villages and towns in a wide stretch of Macedonian territory bordering
on 
Kosovo. Each time the NLA would take over a village in Macedonia, they 
would declare the area "liberated territory" and systematically
intimidate 
and ethnically cleanse the Macedonian population from the region. All
these 
actions, the NLA's leaders claimed, were undertaken in order to gain
"equal 
rights" for Macedonia's Albanian minority, which is estimated at about
30% 
of the population. The rebels say they will lay down their weapons only
if 
the Macedonian side shows good will in implementing the political 
agreement. For their part, the Macedonians say they will implement the 
agreement only after the NLA disarms and relinquishes its territory.

NATO troops have recently entered the volatile Macedonian arena. Lord 
Robertson, the NATO secretary general, has vowed to disarm the NLA
rebels 
through the 30-day long "Essential Harvest" mission. With a contingent
of 
some 4,000, NATO has promised that it will not forcibly disarm anyone,
but 
will collect only those weapons relinquished voluntarily. According to 
NATO, the rebels have approximately 2,950 assault weapons, 210 machine 
guns, 130 mortars and anti-tank missiles, 6 air defense systems, 2
tanks, 
and 2 armored personnel carriers. The Macedonian government, however, 
believes the Albanians have at least 85,000 weapons. This dispute over
arms 
estimates threatens to derail the whole peace process and doom NATO's 
mission even before it starts.

NATO's potential for success in Macedonia is clouded by this loss of 
credibility with the Macedonian government. Few Macedonians have much
faith 
in the current NATO mission. This skepticism is understandable given the

role NATO in this subregion of the Balkans since 1999, when NATO
launched 
air strikes against Yugoslavia and vowed to reverse the Serb ethnic 
cleansing of Albanians. Macedonia's government was a willing and eager
ally 
for NATO at that time, opening up its territory and air space to NATO 
forces. Macedonia still hosts several military camps, which provide 
logistical support for the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR).

(Robert Greenberg <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> is an expert with Foreign
Policy 
In Focus and an associate professor in Slavic languages at the
University 
of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He spent the past seven months in
Macedonia 
as a Fulbright scholar.)

Also See:

FPIF Policy Brief
New Balkan Policy Needed
By Robert Greenberg http://www.fpif.org/briefs/vol6/v6n11balkan.html

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