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-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the July 4, 2002
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------

BEHIND THE BUSH-ASHCROFT MAKEOVER OF THE STATE: 
"HOMELAND SECURITY" AND CAPITALIST INSTABILITY

By Fred Goldstein

The attempted restructuring of the state apparatus under the 
label of "homeland security" and the granting of more 
repressive powers to the FBI once again have to be viewed in 
light of the problems of U.S. imperialism at home and 
abroad. These encompass both the present and the future-
including the long-term outlook for capitalist economic 
instability and crisis.

With the stock market sinking, the so-called economic 
recovery sputtering, and the world capitalist economy 
suffering from global overproduction, it is a natural step 
for the government to open up repression. The movement 
should know that when the Bush administration talks about 
"homeland security," it is aimed against working-class 
resistance to the hardships brought about by an economic 
crisis of the profit system.

The new "homeland security" proposal to bring together 22 
agencies--including the Coast Guard, the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service, the Border Patrol, the Customs 
Service and others--is being hailed as the greatest overhaul 
of the government since President Harry S. Truman created 
the CIA in 1946.

Whether or not the Bush plan is approved in its present form 
or in some modified version--or is defeated by bureaucratic 
opponents--the fact is that this is an attempt by the 
capitalist government to partially reshape its repressive 
apparatus. It is meant to deal with vulnerability in a new 
world situation it has created. This major reshaping of the 
state is in response to the class struggle at home and 
abroad.

The first dramatic transformation of the imperialist state 
in the 20th century took place when the FBI was empowered to 
open up a wave of repression after World War I.

BIRTH OF FBI, CIA

The FBI had been set up in 1908, but was not a highly 
functional repressive force until the ruling class took 
alarm at the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the upsurge of 
the class struggle in the post-war period. Major strikes in 
the steel industry, meatpacking, textile and the coal mines, 
plus a general strike in Seattle in 1919, showed a 
radicalization of the working class. It was met with a wave 
of repression.

Attorney General Mitchell Palmer led what became known as 
the Palmer Raids. They were directed at the socialist and 
newly founded communist movements and the rebellious labor 
movement. Thousands were arrested in a series of coordinated 
raids; hundreds were deported. This temporarily set back the 
movement, but it regrouped and reemerged by the end of the 
1920s and was a major force in the anti-racist and class 
struggles of the 1930s.

The FBI took on extraordinary powers during the witch-hunt 
against the Communist Party in the 1950s as part of the Cold 
War. COINTELPRO was set up to cut down the Black, Latino and 
Native liberation, civil rights and anti-war movements of 
the 1960s.

The next major restructuring was based upon the rapid and 
dramatic emergence of U.S. imperialism as a supreme world 
power after World War II. Having taken over the global 
empire of the weakened and exhausted British ruling class, 
as well as many outposts of the French, Dutch, Belgian and 
Japanese imperialists, Washington was now a global power. It 
was locked in struggle--with the Soviet Union, which had 
defeated the Nazis; with the Chinese Revolution, which had 
liberated one fourth of the human race; and with the 
national liberation struggles in Asia, Africa, the Middle 
East and Latin America.

The military-industrial complex, the basis of the Pentagon's 
power, had already taken shape during the war. But in 1946 
Truman converted a wartime spy agency, the Office of 
Strategic Services, into a permanent instrument of counter-
revolution, assassination and subversion: the Central 
Intelligence Agency.

The CIA went right to work in Europe trying to undermine the 
surging influence of communist parties and communist-led 
trade unions. It overthrew the popular nationalist 
government of Muhammed Mossadegh in Iran in 1953 and the 
popular land reform government of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala 
in 1954.

It carried out the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, first 
head of state of the newly independent Congo. It turned over 
Nelson Mandela, leader of the African National Congress, to 
the apartheid government in Johannesburg. It organized the 
Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba and, of course, spent untold 
billions of dollars trying to destroy socialism in the USSR 
and the People's Republic of China. This is only the tip of 
the iceberg of CIA activities, which was created as U.S. 
imperialism's answer to the new world challenges.

U.S. IMPERIALISM UNIVERSALLY HATED

Viewed in that light, the Bush administration's latest moves 
are an attempt to deal with the new situation of U.S. 
imperialism first demonstrated by the World Trade Center 
bombing of 1993.

The combined forces of world imperialism, led by Washington, 
had overthrown the USSR and dealt a grave blow to the 
socialist camp. As part of its struggle against world 
socialism and the movement for national independence by the 
oppressed countries of the world, Washington waged a war of 
extermination against all progressive forces, particularly 
in the Middle East, Central and Southeast Asia as well as 
the areas surrounding the USSR and China. It orchestrated 
the anti-communist coup in Indonesia in 1965 that killed at 
least a million people. It supported every reactionary 
regime in the region, from Pakistan to Saudi Arabia to the 
Philippines.

In the course of this struggle, progressive and 
revolutionary leaders have been pushed back. Most 
importantly, the mass struggles against imperialism have 
temporarily receded. U.S. imperialism is now the dominant 
oppressor of countries and peoples everywhere--and is 
universally hated.

In the absence of progressive bourgeois nationalist 
movements and especially socialist and communist movements 
that organize the mass struggle and genuinely challenge 
imperialism and its clients, the more conservative forces 
that are removed from the mass struggle and rely on 
conspiratorial methods alone have come forward to fill the 
vacuum. By carrying out dramatic strikes against targets 
either in the U.S. or at U.S. installations abroad, they 
hope that the masses will somehow spontaneously rise up or 
that the attacks will provoke repression which will, in 
turn, evoke a mass uprising.

This is the new situation that the Bush administration is 
attempting to deal with. The U.S. has removed the 
organizations and political forces that historically 
organized the anti-imperialist and socialist struggles which 
limited the super-exploitation of imperialism. By so doing 
it has been able to intensify its plunder--thereby deepening 
and widening hatred of the U.S. government.

For the last decade the think tanks and strategists of 
imperialism have been trying to figure out how to shield 
Washington from underground retaliation. This is the new 
situation that has confronted the state and is behind the 
reorganization.

The cruelty of the war against Iraq and the sanctions war 
that followed; the backing of a murderous Zionist occupation 
regime in Israel; the terror bombing of Afghanistan and the 
spread of the Pentagon all over the Persian Gulf, the 
Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean; exploitation by Wall 
Street and the transnational corporations; and now the 
cultural imperialism that these institutions bring with them-
-all this has provoked a widespread hatred for Washington.

But there is no force right now that can organize an 
effective struggle of the masses to drive the imperialists 
out, so the U.S. government is attempting to shield itself 
against attacks.

Of course, the responsibility for the attacks lies squarely 
on the shoulders of the oppressors in Washington.

This so-called "homeland security" restructuring is being 
done in the most racist, repressive and chauvinist way to 
dovetail with the U.S. drive to scapegoat and stir up 
antagonism against the people of the Middle East. This is to 
provide ideological justification for violating legal and 
constitutional rights on a mass scale, including arbitrary 
detentions and torture, and to prepare the population for 
war and intervention against Iraq, Iran or any other regime 
in the arc from Morocco to Indonesia where 1.3 billion 
Muslims live under the neocolonial rule of clients of 
imperialism.

The only way to get "homeland security" for the people of 
the U.S. is for the Pentagon, the CIA, and all the corporate 
profiteers they defend to pull out of the entire region and 
let the people there determine their own destinies, free of 
interference by imperialism.

But it would be foolhardy to regard the reorganization of 
the capitalist state from a strictly international point of 
view. The Bush administration is using Sept. 11 to broaden 
the powers of the FBI and to give new powers to the CIA in 
the domestic arena.

WHERE'S THE RECOVERY?

While these moves are perhaps precipitated by and explained 
in terms of the phony "war on terrorism," any strengthening 
of the repressive forces, whether in some new super-agency 
or by giving additional powers to the traditional police 
agencies, will be aimed at the forces fighting for social 
justice.

The more sober elements in the ruling class don't take all 
the hype about an economic rebound and recovery very 
seriously. They find nothing to boost their spirits in the 
latest monthly numbers on home sales or inventory 
liquidation.

Consider the mournful commentary of an authoritative 
analyst, Stephen Roach, from one of the most powerful 
institutions of U.S. finance capital, the Morgan Stanley 
investment banking house.

Roach's subject is the decline of the dollar. It reflects 
the fact that the capitalist economy in the U.S. is no 
longer a guaranteed source of profits, either from the 
formerly booming stock market or from the profits of 
production based on an expanding economy.

Roach writes, "I'll leave the short-term calls to the 
traders. My macro lens continues to see the movie of the 
1990s running in reverse. America was the world's bubble and 
now it has popped. Equities led on the upside and were the 
first to go on the downside. And the real economy has 
followed with predictable lags. The first shoe to fall was 
the capacity overhang of earnings-battered businesses. Next 
to come should be the spending excesses of savings-short and 
overextended consumers."

The weak dollar, says Roach "unmasks new fault lines in the 
global economy. This puts the rapidly spreading Latin 
American currency crisis in a very different light. This, of 
course, was the contagion that was never supposed to happen 
again. The tragedy of Argentina [the four-year recession 
that is still deepening--F.G.] was widely thought to be a 
country-specific problem that had little or no bearing on 
the rest of the region. But now Brazil, the largest economy 
in the region, has seen a wholesale markdown of its currency 
and bonds that is every bit as bad as that which occurred in 
the depths of the crisis three and a half years ago. Nor are 
other Latin economies spared this contagion. From Uruguay to 
Mexico, virtually all of the region's currencies are now 
lurching to the downside."

As for the U.S. economy, Roach says, "In my opinion, 
earnings-battered Corporate America remains very much 
focused on cost cutting, likely to take further actions that 
would continue to restrain capital spending and hiring."

His main commentary on all the positive reports of a 
recovery is that "the forest has never looked more different 
than the trees."

This is the voice of an expert speaking dire warnings to 
policy makers and to the summits of the ruling class. And he 
is speaking in their language. But the way to put it more 
properly is that U.S. capitalism was on an orgy of profit 
expansion for 10 years, from the spring of 1991 to the 
summer of 2001. This orgy was fueled by brutal corporate 
globalization, with its sweatshops and plundering of 
resources, holding down wages, speeding up workers, wild 
speculation, swindling, excessive corporate and consumer 
credit, tax cuts for big business and Federal Reserve Board 
welfare for Wall Street.

All these measures to extend profits could not overcome the 
inherent problem of world capitalist overproduction. It is a 
law of capitalism that because production takes place for 
profit, it always expands production at a rate that 
outstrips the ability of the masses of people to buy the 
products. In the race against each other to pile up profits, 
the capitalists struggle to get market share. Sooner or 
later this fight for market share results in too many 
commodities to be sold at a profit, no matter how much the 
masses need the products. That is the point of capitalist 
overproduction.

Two principal underlying conditions formed the basis of the 
expansion, aside from credit and monetary manipulations. On 
the one hand, the collapse of the USSR opened up a worldwide 
corporate expansion for the predators of Wall Street and all 
its junior partners. On the other, the scientific 
technological revolution made possible the building of a 
massive infrastructure for the new communications system.

Neither of these conditions is reproducible. The worldwide 
expansion of production has already glutted the markets. 
Over a million miles of fiber-optic cable were laid in 
recent years. A dozen giant monopolies, including AT&T, 
Worldcom and Global Crossing, were competing with each other 
to lay international and nationwide cable. Hundreds of 
companies were building local networks. With overproduction, 
the present estimate is that 95 percent of the cable will 
not be used!

Overproduction has afflicted all industries, including the 
production of steel, laptop computers, automobiles, semi-
conductors, commercial aircraft, movie theaters, retail 
stores and many service industries. This is not just a U.S. 
phenomenon but is global.

The Labor Department admits that in the downturn from March 
2001 to March 2002, 1.8 million jobs were lost. Despite all 
the optimistic talk about the economy, the bosses are so 
heavily in debt and the masses so overextended on their 
credit cards and other borrowing that the long-term 
prospects for U.S. capitalism point toward crisis, with 
increased hardship for the workers as the capitalists try to 
unload their crisis on the backs of the people.

Under these conditions, resistance and an awakening of the 
struggle at home and abroad are inevitable. Understanding 
that the problem is capitalism will come more sharply into 
focus. Right now everything is being reduced to the greed of 
the corporate executives, who have grown filthy rich through 
stock swindles, insider trading and speculation. In the 
future it will become patently clear that it is the profit 
system itself that produces these swindlers and is to blame. 
Then the FBI, homeland security and all the repressive 
organs of the bosses will not be able to stop the movement.

- END -

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