http://en.fondsk.ru/article.php?id=2728


Strategic Culture Foundation
January 28, 2010


Georgian Militarization and Its Diplomatic Backing
Andrei Areshev


-The orientation of the Georgian administration is growing increasingly 
anti-Russian, the overall objective being to confront Russia militarily in a 
broader sense rather than to regain Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
-Debates over the potential opening of US military bases in Georgia – and also 
in Azerbaijan – have become a recurrent theme. In the context of the already 
announced US plan to attack Iran, airbases in the region could be of great use 
to Washington. There are rumors that Georgia and Israel signed a secret 
agreement by which two Georgian airports are passed under the Israeli control, 
tentatively to target Iran's nuclear facilities.



Former Georgian Prime Minister and Movement for Fair Georgia leader Z. 
Noghaideli plans to visit Moscow again this February. According to the Vzglyad 
Internet outlet, the purpose of the visit is to sign a cooperation agreement 
with the pro-government United Russia party. Noghaideli said in an interview to 
Vsya Nedelya it is time “to put an end to the useless confrontation with Russia 
and to establish normal if not friendly relations with it”. He said this is, 
among other things, necessary to address Georgia's problems with Abkhazia and 
South Ossetia. 

The same view is held (at list publicly) by NATO leaders. Following the 
December, 2009 meeting between the foreign ministers of the alliance member 
countries and those of Ukraine and Georgia, NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh 
Rasmussen called Georgia to open dialog with Russia and said this is what the 
country needed to boost its chances for NATO admission. 

Nevertheless, Brussels continues to support Georgia's “territorial integrity” 
and military reforms. Discussions of the draft Georgian Strategies with Respect 
to Separatist Regions are underway in Tbilisi. The document seems to stress 
humanitarian issues such as making it possible for the residents of Abkhazia 
and South Ossetia to take part in US-Georgia student exchanges (students need 
Georgian passports to get enrolled in the corresponding programs). 

In the meantime, the “military reform” in Georgia is in full swing. 

Military and patriotic instruction at Georgian schools, which was abolished in 
2007, has been reinstated. On December 26, 2009 Georgian President M. 
Saakashvili declared the country was ready to start training reservists. He 
said at the inauguration of the new building of the National Guard 
administration that a war is waged against Georgia, the country is facing a 
daily threat, and not only its military, but all of its citizens including 
women must be armed and prepared to resist and to turn every home into a 
stronghold. Saakashvili said Georgia had enough machine guns and rounds of 
ammunition to arm 100,000, 200,000, or even half a million people if necessary 
(1). 

It is an open question how many Georgians are actually ready to risk their 
lives fighting for Georgia and its controversial president. Obviously, the 
mobilizing effect of the campaign asserting that Russia launched aggression 
against Georgia in August, 2008 was modest. Nevertheless, Georgia has serious 
armed forces and special services. 

The conclusion in the August Tanks study of the five-day war is that at present 
Georgia is continuing to implement the military programs launched before the 
five-day war. The orientation of the Georgian administration is growing 
increasingly anti-Russian, the overall objective being to confront Russia 
militarily in a broader sense rather than to regain Abkhazia and South Ossetia. 
(2) 

By the summer of 2008 the Georgian army numbered 32,000 servicemen. Its 
overland component - 22,000 servicemen – comprised five infantry brigades, an 
artillery brigade, an engineering brigade (in the formative phase), a special 
operations group, seven battalions (tanks and infantry, light infantry, 
medical, military police, communications, radar reconnaissance, supplies), and 
an air defense battery. The 5th infantry brigade was in the process of being 
formed (its 53rd light infantry battalion was through with 12 weeks of basic 
training only by October 3, 2008), and most of the best-trained 1st infantry 
brigade (2,000 servicemen) was in Iraq. 

According to the budget data of the Georgian ministry of defense, as of the 
summer of 2009 the number of servicemen in the Georgian armed forces reached 
37,800. Alternative sources set the number at 36,600, including 36,200 in 
direct military service. Georgia's ground forces count 23,000 servicemen 
(currently the officially stated figure is 20,500, but it does not include new 
formations such as the recently created anti-tank battalion). In contrast to 
the situation of August, 2008, at the moment practically all of Georgia's 
military are in the country and, apart from a plan to send a small continent to 
Afghanistan, aren't going to leave it. Besides, the relatively new 4th and 5th 
infantry brigades have received additional training after the five-day war. 

A separate artillery brigade #2 is being formed on the basis of the Khoni group 
of the Gori artillery brigade. The training of its personnel began in November, 
2008. The 5th tank brigade is being formed in the western part of Georgia, the 
purpose being to strengthen the Georgian military capability in the Abkhazian 
direction. The process of personnel training in the Georgian army, its 
mobilization procedures and reserve training have been improved radically. 
(Georgian reservists demonstrated a zero level of combat readiness in August, 
2008.) 

On the whole the overland component of the Georgian armed forces added a 
regular infantry brigade (or three brigades, considering that two army-type 
brigades of reservists are being formed) and an artillery brigade, which means 
a buildup by a factor of 1.5-23. Since no embargo is imposed on Georgia, arming 
the forces should not be a problem for the country. 

The analysis of the dynamics of Georgia's military budget confirms the above. 
It totaled 138.8 mln Lari ($77.6 mln) in 2005 and 260 mln Lari ($146 mln) in 
2006. Interestingly, in 2006 the EU demanded that Georgia freeze its military 
budget since the countries more urgent needs lay in the spheres of health care, 
social welfare, and small business support, while the swelling of the military 
budget in no way benefited the population. Nevertheless, next year the military 
budget of the country whose President for some reason puts the EU flag in his 
office during interviews rose to 955 mln Lari ($680 mln). It reached 1,350 mln 
Lari ($965 mln) in 2008, and shrank by a third only last year – to 950 mln Lari 
($679 mln). Despite the contraction, Georgia continues to steer a course aimed 
at its total militarization1. 

Debates over the potential opening of US military bases in Georgia – and also 
in Azerbaijan – have become a recurrent theme. In the context of the already 
announced US plan to attack Iran, airbases in the region could be of great use 
to Washington. There are rumors that Georgia and Israel signed a secret 
agreement by which two Georgian airports are passed under the Israeli control, 
tentatively to target Iran's nuclear facilities. (5) 

In the light of the above, the January, 2010 visit of Georgian Foreign Minister 
Grigol Vashadze to Iran caused a sensation. The statements made by Vashadze 
during talks with his Iranian counterpart and with M. Ahmadinejad deserve 
careful analysis. The Georgian foreign minister stressed that his country would 
never join a war against Iran regardless of Georgia's involvement with any 
alliances. In other words, Georgia is combining close military and political 
ties with the US with cooperation with Iran, the country actively integrating 
into Caucasian energy projects. It is generally too early to draw conclusions 
on the development of the relations in the Washington-Tbilisi-Tehran triangle, 
but the question about the objectives of the current Georgian military buildup, 
the missions the Georgian armed forces are going to undertake, and their timing 
is quite natural. 

It seems that G. Vashadze's visit to Tehran and Z. Noghaideli's visit to Moscow 
are meant to balance the overly US-oriented Georgian policy, which has already 
bred disasters affecting not only Georgia but the entire Caucasus. However, the 
initiative has been limited to words so far, and it is unclear whether anything 
practical will follow or all that there is amounts to a mere political show.
_________________________ 
1 http://www.georgiatimes.info/analysis/29358.html 

2 N. Poroskov. Coersion lessons. Vremya Novostei, December 3, 2009 

3 V. Tseluyko. The Present and the Future of the Conflict Between Georgia and 
Russia. The Military Aspect // M. Barabanov, A. Lavrov, V. Tseluyko. August 
Tanks. Moscow. Center for Analysis of Strategies and Technologies. 

4 http://www.georgiatimes.info/analysis/29538.html 

5 http://www.nob.su/2009/11/30/mishiko-ne-navoevalsja.html 
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