The Indian
government's intention of introducing caste based quotas for the
"Other Backward Classes" in centrally funded institutions of
higher learning and the prime minister's suggestion to the private
sector to 'voluntarily go in for reservation', has once again
sparked off a debate on the merits and demerits of caste-based
reservations. Unfortunately, the predictable divide between the
votaries of "social justice" on one hand and those advocating
"merit" on the other seems to have once again camouflaged the real
issues. It is necessary to take a holistic and non-partisan view
of the issues involved.
The hue and
cry about "sacrificing merit" is untenable simply because merit is
after all a social construct and it cannot be determined
objectively in a historically unjust and unequal context. The idea
of competitive merit will be worthy of serious attention only in a
broadly egalitarian context. But then, caste is not the only
obstacle in the way of an egalitarian order.
After all,
economic conditions, educational opportunities and discrimination
on the basis of gender also contribute to the denial of
opportunity to express one's true merit and worth. It is
interesting to note that in the ongoing debate, one side refuses
to see the socially constructed nature of the notion of merit,
while the other side refuses to recognise the multiplicity of the
mechanisms of exclusion with equal vehemence.
The idea of
caste-based reservations is justified by the logic of social
justice. This implies the conscious attempt to restructure a given
social order in such a way that individuals belonging to the
traditionally and structurally marginalised social groups get
adequate opportunities to actualise their potential and realise
their due share in the resources available.
In any
society, particularly in one as diverse and complex as the Indian
society, this is going to be a gigantic exercise and must not be
reduced to just one aspect of state policy. Seen in this light,
caste-based reservation has to work in tandem with other policies
ensuring the elimination of the structures of social
marginalisation and denial of access. It has to be seen as a means
of achieving social justice and not an end in itself. By the same
logic it must be assessed and audited from time to time like any
other social policy and economic strategy.
Hence, it is
important, to discuss reservation in the holistic context of much
required social restructuring and not to convert it into a fetish
of 'political correctness'. Admittedly, caste remains a social
reality and a mechanism of oppression in Indian society. But can
we say that caste is the only mechanism of oppression? Can we say
with absolute certainty that poverty amongst the so-called upper
castes has been eradicated? Can we say that the regions of
Northeast, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh are on par with the glittering
metros of Delhi and Mumbai? Can we say that a pupil from a
panchayat school in Bihar is equipped to compete with an alumnus
of Doon School on an equal footing, even if both of them belong to
the same caste group? One of my students once remarked that he was
regularly compelled to swim across a rivulet in order to reach his
school, and the rivulet in question did not distinguish between
Brahmins and dalits. Incidentally, this young man happens to be a
Brahmin by birth! Can we also say that gender plays no role in
denial of social opportunities? After all, this society
discriminates against girls even before they are born. What to
talk of access or opportunities, they're denied birth itself. Such
discrimination exists across religious and caste lines.
Moreover,
the question is: do we want to eliminate caste as a factor of
social relations and political processes or do we want to
perpetuate it forever? Is it not true that by treating caste as
the only medium of oppression and hence by focusing all remedial
measures on caste alone, we have only added to the longevity of
caste as the determining factor of social identity? Individuals
have been virtually turned into the epitomes of the caste of their
birth — denying the multiple identities that every individual
perforce carries. This also helps the powerful amongst the
generally disempowered sections to corner most of the benefits of
caste-based reservation. Caste, which in reality is only one of
the features of identity at the individual level and the
manifestation of an abhorrent social order at the social and
structural level, has been turned into the essential identity of
individual citizens. Such a situation helps only those politicians
who are in search of shortcuts to power. It is harmful for the
cause of a modern social democracy as well as to the cause of
individuals in need of social justice and related affirmative
action.
There seems
to be a deliberate attempt to mislead public opinion by projecting
caste-based reservation as the only form of affirmative action.
Affirmative action has to "affirm" the social will to rectify
unjust structures and practices in existence. Any society has a
multiplicity of such structures and practices. Any programme of
affirmative action has to tackle all these factors and not elevate
any one factor to the level of a political "fetish".
I hereby
propose a model of affirmative action that I will call miraa —
Multiple Index Related Affirmative Action. As the name suggests,
this model will take into account several factors when a candidate
is considered for admission or employment.
In the
specific situation of our country, miraa will consist of the
following indices:
1.
Caste/Tribe
2. Gender
3. Economic status of family
4.
Kind of schooling received
5. Region where candidate spent
his/her formative years
6. Status as a first generation
learner/educational achievement in the family
Let me
explain how this system will work. There will be no pre-fixed
quotas. miraa will be operative on hundred percent of the
available seats for education or employment. Suppose there is a
100-mark scale for entry to a college/organisation. These 100
marks can be distributed amongst entrance test, interview, and
academic performance as per the wishes of the institution in
question. First and foremost, all candidates would be ranked on
this hundred mark scale, depending on their performance in the
entrance test, interview etc. Then miraa would be applied and each
candidate irrespective of their caste can potentially benefit from
it, due to the different indices, which make up the system.
The maximum
points a person can get under miraa are 30 and the minimum is 0.
Now the candidate's miraa subscore is added to the score s/he
achieved in the admission process described above. This will be
the total score. The candidates whose total score clears the
cut-off for a particular subject/job will then be offered the
position. (see boxes on facing page)
Hence, this
system does take into account both the qualification of the
individual as well as the demands of social and economic justice.
Unlike the quota/percentage system which confines the social
justice mechanism only to a fraction of the available vacancies,
miraa brings each and every seat under the ambit of social and
economic justice.
This
proposal doesn't take into account the religion of the applicant,
as it is based upon the realisation the ubiquitous nature of the
institution of caste in Indian society. Hence, the members of
marginalised and disempowered communities across the religious
spectrum will get due benefits.
For example,
a Kidwai or Raza Muslim will not be awarded any points under caste
index while an Ansari or a Salmani will get points in accordance
with obc status. The same logic applies to Christians and others
as well. I request the reader to think, consider and react to
miraa.
The writer teaches at the Jawaharlal Nehru University,
Delhi
