The Indian
government's intention of introducing caste based quotas for the
"Other Backward Classes" in centrally funded institutions of higher
learning and the prime minister's suggestion to the private sector to
'voluntarily go in for reservation', has once again sparked off a
debate on the merits and demerits of caste-based reservations.
Unfortunately, the predictable divide between the votaries of "social
justice" on one hand and those advocating "merit" on the other seems
to have once again camouflaged the real issues. It is necessary to
take a holistic and non-partisan view of the issues involved.
The hue and cry
about "sacrificing merit" is untenable simply because merit is after
all a social construct and it cannot be determined objectively in a
historically unjust and unequal context. The idea of competitive merit
will be worthy of serious attention only in a broadly egalitarian
context. But then, caste is not the only obstacle in the way of an
egalitarian order.
After all,
economic conditions, educational opportunities and discrimination on
the basis of gender also contribute to the denial of opportunity to
express one's true merit and worth. It is interesting to note that in
the ongoing debate, one side refuses to see the socially constructed
nature of the notion of merit, while the other side refuses to
recognise the multiplicity of the mechanisms of exclusion with equal
vehemence.
The idea of
caste-based reservations is justified by the logic of social justice.
This implies the conscious attempt to restructure a given social order
in such a way that individuals belonging to the traditionally and
structurally marginalised social groups get adequate opportunities to
actualise their potential and realise their due share in the resources
available.
In any society,
particularly in one as diverse and complex as the Indian society, this
is going to be a gigantic exercise and must not be reduced to just one
aspect of state policy. Seen in this light, caste-based reservation
has to work in tandem with other policies ensuring the elimination of
the structures of social marginalisation and denial of access. It has
to be seen as a means of achieving social justice and not an end in
itself. By the same logic it must be assessed and audited from time to
time like any other social policy and economic strategy.
Hence, it is
important, to discuss reservation in the holistic context of much
required social restructuring and not to convert it into a fetish of
'political correctness'. Admittedly, caste remains a social reality
and a mechanism of oppression in Indian society. But can we say that
caste is the only mechanism of oppression? Can we say with absolute
certainty that poverty amongst the so-called upper castes has been
eradicated? Can we say that the regions of Northeast, Jharkhand,
Chhattisgarh are on par with the glittering metros of Delhi and
Mumbai? Can we say that a pupil from a panchayat school in Bihar is
equipped to compete with an alumnus of Doon School on an equal
footing, even if both of them belong to the same caste group? One of
my students once remarked that he was regularly compelled to swim
across a rivulet in order to reach his school, and the rivulet in
question did not distinguish between Brahmins and dalits.
Incidentally, this young man happens to be a Brahmin by birth! Can we
also say that gender plays no role in denial of social opportunities?
After all, this society discriminates against girls even before they
are born. What to talk of access or opportunities, they're denied
birth itself. Such discrimination exists across religious and caste
lines.
Moreover, the
question is: do we want to eliminate caste as a factor of social
relations and political processes or do we want to perpetuate it
forever? Is it not true that by treating caste as the only medium of
oppression and hence by focusing all remedial measures on caste alone,
we have only added to the longevity of caste as the determining factor
of social identity? Individuals have been virtually turned into the
epitomes of the caste of their birth — denying the multiple identities
that every individual perforce carries. This also helps the powerful
amongst the generally disempowered sections to corner most of the
benefits of caste-based reservation. Caste, which in reality is only
one of the features of identity at the individual level and the
manifestation of an abhorrent social order at the social and
structural level, has been turned into the essential identity of
individual citizens. Such a situation helps only those politicians who
are in search of shortcuts to power. It is harmful for the cause of a
modern social democracy as well as to the cause of individuals in need
of social justice and related affirmative action.
There seems to
be a deliberate attempt to mislead public opinion by projecting
caste-based reservation as the only form of affirmative action.
Affirmative action has to "affirm" the social will to rectify unjust
structures and practices in existence. Any society has a multiplicity
of such structures and practices. Any programme of affirmative action
has to tackle all these factors and not elevate any one factor to the
level of a political "fetish".
I hereby propose
a model of affirmative action that I will call miraa — Multiple Index
Related Affirmative Action. As the name suggests, this model will take
into account several factors when a candidate is considered for
admission or employment.
In the specific
situation of our country, miraa will consist of the following
indices:
1.
Caste/Tribe
2. Gender
3. Economic status of family
4. Kind of
schooling received
5. Region where candidate spent his/her
formative years
6. Status as a first generation learner/educational
achievement in the family
Let me explain
how this system will work. There will be no pre-fixed quotas. miraa
will be operative on hundred percent of the available seats for
education or employment. Suppose there is a 100-mark scale for entry
to a college/organisation. These 100 marks can be distributed amongst
entrance test, interview, and academic performance as per the wishes
of the institution in question. First and foremost, all candidates
would be ranked on this hundred mark scale, depending on their
performance in the entrance test, interview etc. Then miraa would be
applied and each candidate irrespective of their caste can potentially
benefit from it, due to the different indices, which make up the
system.
The maximum
points a person can get under miraa are 30 and the minimum is 0. Now
the candidate's miraa subscore is added to the score s/he achieved in
the admission process described above. This will be the total score.
The candidates whose total score clears the cut-off for a particular
subject/job will then be offered the position. (see boxes on facing
page)
Hence, this
system does take into account both the qualification of the individual
as well as the demands of social and economic justice. Unlike the
quota/percentage system which confines the social justice mechanism
only to a fraction of the available vacancies, miraa brings each and
every seat under the ambit of social and economic justice.
This proposal
doesn't take into account the religion of the applicant, as it is
based upon the realisation the ubiquitous nature of the institution of
caste in Indian society. Hence, the members of marginalised and
disempowered communities across the religious spectrum will get due
benefits.
For example, a
Kidwai or Raza Muslim will not be awarded any points under caste index
while an Ansari or a Salmani will get points in accordance with obc
status. The same logic applies to Christians and others as well. I
request the reader to think, consider and react to miraa.
The writer teaches at the Jawaharlal Nehru University,
Delhi