>>>>>> No, not the very same American Presidents (as they passed long time ago, 
>>>>>> sorry,
didn't mean to be sarcastic here) would literally do that, but Generals in
general could do that - be good Governors, that is.

 
Duarte, Idi Amin, Yahaya Khan, Pinochet, Qaddafi, Musharaff, the head of 
the junta in Myanmar............... the list is promising.
 
Or, it is only that Generals should be Governors of the States/provinces and 
not Presidents/ Head of the States?
 
I think it is neither governor nor another person that matters. It is not even 
he as a person. It is the interest he represents. Like, the Indian PM seems to 
be eager to please his emperor than explain things to the people of India 
first. The Left too seems fishy with their two-timings. I do not know what 
package they (the Left) are going to get by showing their false braggadocio by 
pretending to oppose the nuke deal and at the same time allowing enough time to 
the supporters of the deal to garner support so that the government may not 
fall and the deal is ultimately through.

Uttam Kumar Borthakur

--- On Thu, 10/7/08, Alpana B. Sarangapani <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:

From: Alpana B. Sarangapani <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: Re: [Assam] Ulfa, Sovereignty and Assam
To: "A Mailing list for people interested in Assam from around the world" 
<assam@assamnet.org>
Date: Thursday, 10 July, 2008, 1:36 PM

> So?> "Excellent American Presidents" will be good governors
for Assam!!!> What a strange logic!!!> What height of ignorance!!
Could not help not to get in here again.
 
Another example of taking things out of the context, rather, taking things
ligterally - big time.
 
No, not the very same American Presidents (as they passed long time ago, sorry,
didn't mean to be sarcastic here) would literally do that, but Generals in
general could do that - be good Governors, that is.
 
 
 


 
“In order to make spiritual progress you must be patient like a tree and
humble like a blade of grass.”
 
 
 
 > From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]> To: assam@assamnet.org> Date: Wed, 9 Jul
2008 20:48:28 -0500> Subject: Re: [Assam] Ulfa, Sovereignty and Assam>
> > "Military Generals in US Army have been making excellent
American > Presidents."> > So?> "Excellent American
Presidents" will be good governors for Assam!!!> What a strange
logic!!!> What height of ignorance!!> Rajen Barua> > ----- Original
Message ----- > From: "Choudhary, H. N. - AMW - MUM"
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>> To: "A Mailing list for people
interested in Assam from around the world" >
<assam@assamnet.org>> Sent: Wednesday, July 09, 2008 4:20 AM>
Subject: Re: [Assam] Ulfa, Sovereignty and Assam> > > To govern needs
wisdom, courage conviction and leadership like that of > Akbar the Great.
Lesser human beings can possess these qualities in small > measure. Military
Generals in US Army have been making excellent American > Presidents.>
Therefore your comments " military generals, lightweight in more ways than
> one" are an expression of ignorance of historical facts.> >
Please do not make such comments. It hurts good people.> > Regards>
> Hemen N Choudhary> email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]> 9820125972>
> > > -----Original Message-----> From: Chan Mahanta
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Sent: Tuesday, July 08, 2008 7:04 PM> To:
A Mailing list for people interested in Assam from around theworld> Subject:
Re: [Assam] Ulfa, Sovereignty and Assam> > Hi Alpana:> > While your
genuine humility is always refreshing,> it is perhaps not all that inspiring
as far as> your confusion about who would make a good> governor in Assam
and the contiguous Indian> holdings.> > If you have trouble deciding
whether> superannuated military generals, lightweight in> more ways than
one, or spooks and sekurity-wallas> whose world view are limited by their
legendary> desi-bureacratic intellectual confines, further> damaged by
their reliance on force rather than> dialogue for solving social unrests and
able> politicians or intellectuals willing to respond> to popular views
and needs are the right fit for> a region riven by politically rooted
violent> conflicts that have been going on for over half a> century; then
your commitments to a democratic> ethos needs serious re-examination,
don't you> think :-)?> > c-da> > > > > > >
> > > At 11:52 PM -0500 7/7/08, Alpana B. Sarangapani wrote:>
>IMO, it is indeed a scholarly piece, but sounds pessimistic.> >>
>Some portions are beyond my understanding and> >knowledge (like who
would be good as a> >governor), but as an ordinary person, I would>
>like to think that this is at least the> >beginning of the peace
process.> >> >Cheers!!> >> >> >> >>
>> >> >> >> >"In order to make spiritual
progress you must be> >patient like a tree and humble like a blade of>
>grass."> >> >> >> > > Date: Mon, 7 Jul 2008
21:20:13 -0500> To:> >assam@assamnet.org> From:
[EMAIL PROTECTED]>> >Subject: Re: [Assam] Ulfa, Sovereignty and>
>Assam> > Another excellent piece Baruah. Thanks> >for
sharing.> > m> > > > > > > > > > > >
> > At> >8:41 PM -0400 7/7/08, [EMAIL PROTECTED]> >wrote:>
>The Telegraph (Calcutta)> >July 8,> >2008> >> >
>http://www.telegraphindia.com/1080708/jsp/opinion/story_9504721.jsp#>
>> >A> >CRISIS OF POLICY AND THE SOVEREIGNTY>
>QUESTION> >> >Sanjib Baruah> >> >A unilateral>
>ceasefire and a new governor may not be enough> >to end the>
>cycle of violence and> >counter-violence in Assam, unless there
is> >a> >radical renegotiation in the social contract>
>between India and this> >state, writes Sanjib> >Baruah.>
>> >> >Some in Assam like to see the> >unilateral
ceasefire by the so-called> >Alpha> >and Charlie companies of
United Liberation Front> >of Asom?s 28th> >battalion as good
news.> >However, there is nothing in the history> >of> >the
past two decades of the state?s> >politics to suggest that the>
>state?s> >multi-faceted political crisis, of which Ulfa is> >a
symptom,> >might end with new defections from> >Ulfa or, even a
mutiny.> >> >A far more> >promising development may be the
appointment of> >former> >chief minister of Rajasthan, Shiv>
>Charan Mathur, as governor. For the> >first time> >in nearly
two decades, Assam will have a> >politician as> >governor.>
>> >Two other> >gubernatorial appointments in the region are>
>significant.> >Sikkim?s new governor, the> >retired IAS officer,
Balmiki Prasad Singh,> >is> >an old ?Northeast hand.? Unlike these
two men,> >the new governor of> >Meghalaya, Ranjit Shekhar>
>Mooshahary, has had a career in a> >uniformed> >all-India
security service. But his> >Bodo roots makes it an>
>interesting> >appointment.> >> >Governors of the>
>northeastern states have more inputs in> >policymaking> >than
in the less-troubled states.> >It is no coincidence that the>
>primary thrust> >of our policy towards Ulfa during the tenure of>
>the> >last two governors ? both military men ?> >has been
military. The> >half-hearted steps> >toward negotiations were not
the result> >of> >conviction on either side. They were>
>gestures to satisfy Assamese> >public opinion> >that strongly
favours a negotiated and> >honorable> >settlement with Ulfa.>
>> >The> >outgoing governor, Ajay Singh, leaves behind a>
>remarkably> >unsuccessful record of locking> >horns with Ulfa
for nearly two decades.> >In the> >early Nineties, long before he
became the> >governor, he> >commandeered two>
>counter-insurgency operations against Ulfa as> >head of> >the
Indian Army?s 4 Corps. As> >governor, he came to be associated with>
>a> >hardline position of opposing talks with> >Ulfa.>
>> >Singh claims in his resumé that as> >the commander of
those> >counter-insurgency> >operations, he ?was given the
responsibility> >of> >wiping out [the] Ulfa insurgency? and
that> >he ?smashed the Ulfa> >insurgency in less than> >three
months?. But that was more than> >fifteen> >years ago.> >>
>While Ulfa is at a> >crossroads today, it is not because of its>
>military> >reversals alone. Popular outrage at> >the killings
of civilians, and a> >sense of> >hopelessness that there is no end
in sight to> >the cycle of> >violence and counter-violence,>
>are more important factors.> >> >There is no> >evidence
that anyone knows how to use the shift> >in the> >public mood as a
political opening. One> >hopes that the new> >gubernatorial
appointments> >would mark a shift in the balance> >between>
>military and political thinking. Even> >though Ulfa as an idea
has> >always been more> >powerful than the reality, this has not
made> >engaging> >with it any less> >challenging.>
>> >The oft-repeated clichés about> >unemployment and
underdevelopment> >creating> >conditions for recruitment by
insurgent groups,> >and> >platitudes about solving the crisis
of> >immigration through> >border-fencing do not give>
>confidence that our decision-makers> >understand> >the sources
of Ulfa?s political> >influence.> >> >The two most recent
governors> >have both been highly vocal on the> >dangers of>
>illegal immigration from Bangladesh. But to> >expect>
>political dividends out of such> >speech-making on this>
>extraordinarily> >difficult issue without> >addressing it in
any substantial sense is> >to> >grossly misunderstand the nature of
the> >immigration crisis and its> >relationship with> >the
rise of Ulfa.> >> >Ulfa was a radical fringe> >of the Assam
Movement of 1979-85. From> >the> >very beginning, it tried to
distance> >itself from some of the Assam> >Movement?s>
>extreme rhetoric on ?foreigners? and> >?Bangladeshis.? At the>
>same time it tried to> >get propaganda value out of the>
>evident> >indifference of our governmental> >institutions to
this key> >Assamese> >concern.> >> >But the
immigration> >crisis, for Ulfa, has never been more than a>
>piece> >of evidence of what it sees as a raw> >deal that the
Assamese got in the> >postcolonial> >pan-Indian dispensation.>
>> >India?s political> >and bureaucratic elites inherit a
memory> >of> >Partition vastly different from that of> >their
counterparts in Assam.> >Few people seem> >to know that the
migration from eastern Bengal> >was a> >politically explosive issue
in Assam> >even as far back as the 1930s.> >Indeed, it>
>shaped Assamese attitudes towards> >Partition.> >> >The
flow of people from one of> >the subcontinent?s most densely>
>populated> >areas to a sparsely populated region ? legally>
>open to new> >settlements in colonial times ?> >did not stop
with Partition. The> >erection of> >an international border did not
change that> >reality.> >Indeed, from the Assamese point of>
>view, the effect of Partition was> >to intensify> >the
migration pressure from eastern Bengal, with> >waves of> >Hindu
refugees joining in.> >> >In> >retrospect, Assam appears to
have adapted to> >this demographic> >transformation rather
well.> >Official predictions of the 1930s> >that>
>immigration would permanently alter the> >future of Assam and
destroy> >?the whole> >structure of Assamese culture and
civilization?> >did not> >materialize. But it is not because
the> >predicted demographic changes> >did not take> >place:
they did, with profound consequences. But> >contrary> >to the fears
of the colonial era,> >most East Bengali migrant Muslims>
>adopted> >Assamese as their mother tongue. No one familiar>
>with the> >relationship between demographic> >dynamics and
civil disorder in other> >parts of> >the world would read this as a
sign that> >everyone would live> >happily ever> >after.>
>> >Japanese scholar Hiroshi Sato talks> >about the faultline
between the> >normative> >definition of citizenship in Indian law,
and the> >actual> >exercise of franchise by people ?based>
>on the legitimacy of> >rudimentary documents> >rather than on
the registration of> >citizenship.?> >The ?foreigners? question
in> >Assam is the product of this> >faultline.> >Understood
in this way, it is not> >surprising that the issue became the>
>epicentre> >of a veritable political explosion in Assam in>
>1979. There> >is no evidence that the ripples of> >this
explosion have subsided.> >> >The power of> >Ulfa as an idea
reflects a policy impasse> >of> >subcontinental proportions,
showing up the> >failures of Partition> >borders and of the>
>foundational ideologies of the> >post-Partition> >states.
Assam?s numerous tribal> >rebellions, and evidence of candidates>
>of> >mainstream political parties turning to Ulfa?s> >tacit
support during> >elections, and of even> >the government relying on
such support> >in> >certain situations ? relations facilitated>
>by the massive corruption> >that the state has> >become known
for ? outline the multi-faceted> >nature> >of the crisis. If
political movements> >relate to reality, either to the> >bare
facts,> >or to strivings that grow out of a reality, Ulfa>
>provides> >an example of the latter.> >> >In>
>Ulfa?s narrative of history, Assam lost its> >sovereignty in 1826.
It> >sees itself as being> >engaged in a battle to recover that>
>sovereignty.> >This reading of history has its> >elements of
myth and fantasy. But as> >the> >veteran journalist, M.S.
Prabhakara, points out,> >?a certain> >wistfulness and nostalgia
over a> >past when Assam was a sovereign> >and> >independent
political entity,? have been> >part of Assamese ?folk> >memories,
literature> >and cultural and political polemics,? for a> >long>
>time.> >> >To the military mindset,> >Ulfa?s insistence on
discussing> >sovereignty> >might seem audacious, especially>
>given the organization?s weak> >position. At the> >same time,
it is hard to imagine how the> >strivings> >that animate Ulfa can
be> >accommodated within the model of an> >ethnic> >peace
accord ? so popular among our> >politicians and bureaucrats.> >>
>The chief> >minister of Assam, Tarun Gogoi, has held out the>
>Bodo> >Liberation Tigers as an example. The BLT,> >he says, is
similar to Ulfa,> >but ?we sat down> >with BLT and they
surrendered.... Now we have> >BLT> >members as part of our>
>government.?> >> >But historically, the> >?Assamese? has
not been purely an ethnic> >and> >exclusive category. If the
category> >includes minorities of all stripes> >? as it>
>does in Ulfa?s vision ? how can the aspirations> >of a>
>territorially defined political community> >be accommodated within
the> >model of an ethnic> >peace accord?> >> >The
reason for Ulfa?s> >apparent intransigence on the> >sovereignty>
>question may be because the> >concept provides a way of getting
around> >this> >difficulty. It brings to the policy agenda the>
>notion of> >renegotiating the social contract> >between India
and Assam.> >> >Sovereignty talk> >does not have to take the
form of the familiar> >talk> >about independence. However,
compromises> >within this paradigm are> >possible only if>
>constitutional reforms are part of the agenda.> >It> >might
also require a willingness to relate> >foreign policy issues,>
>vis-à-vis relations> >with Bangladesh, to domestic policy
concerns,> >but> >in ways other than those that our security>
>establishment has long> >preferred.> >> >A bold>
>new political initiative to resolve Assam?s> >complex crisis must>
>consider such> >options.> >> >The author is at the Centre
for> >Policy Studies, New> >Delhi.> >> >> >>
>> >_______________________________________________> >
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>http://assamnet.org/mailman/listinfo/assam_assamnet.org> > >>
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