> > Finally, I would argue that the only justification for killing and > > war is weakness. If we were strong enough to stop evil actions > > without such extreme measures, then we would be morally compelled to > > do so. > > I cannot agree with the premise that underlies this -- that evil is "out > there" and we "in here," if powerful enough, can eliminate it.
That really isn't the premise. The premise is this: we as a community need to address evil actions. I don't see community action with regard to evil within the heart because the community I cannot see into people's hearts. Second, I might accept a technical theological correction that the actions are better described "wrong" or "harmful", with evil better being reserved for internal risks to our souls. Using this nomenclature Hitler's ordering of the Holocaust was horribly wrong and very harmful, but we do not know if he was morally responsible for his actions or insane enough so that he didn't sin. If it was the former, then he did evil; if it was the latter; then he did not. But, accepting this, I'd also point out that this was a rather technical distinction, and that a lot of slack should be given to those people who are not this technical. So, it would be reasonable for someone who holds such a technical opinion to either internally translate statements like "the Holocaust was evil" (best option in my opinion) or be very careful to explain that they are making a technical distinction. So, if you allow me a bit of slop, then I'd say that I agree that we don't need to be concerned about the sin of others. What we do need to be concerned about is the present and likely future actions of others as part of our decision making process. The morality we need to consider is not the morality of AQ or Hussein; the morality we need to consider is indeed our own. But, in choosing rightful actions we need to use our God given abilities to obtain our best understanding of the consequences of various actions. So, if convicting Hussein in the Hague were to have a 90% probability of ending his regime without violence within a year, then it would be hard to argue for going to war before trying this option. But, if our best analysis is that the odds of this are really under 1%, then one has to weight this outcome by <.01 and weigh the outcome that he continues to rule as ruthlessly as he has at >.99. If one accepts just wars, then one figures this into the question: are his actions ruthless enough so that a war to overthrow him would be of net benefit to the people of Iraq? If one is a pacifist, one needs to acknowledge that the price of non-violence is to stand by while people are tortured and killed. Looking hard for a third option is reasonable, but basing action on the wish that the search will be fruitful is not. Finally, while analysis can be self-deceptive, I don't think that concluding that one's countries goals are more in tune with what is good and helpful to the whole world than one's enemy's can simply be written off as self deception. Even though we had our share of mis-deeds during WWII (like firebombed civilians), the world is better off with the US beating the Germans than with the Germans triumphing. Even though we were not always moral during the Cold War, there was still a stark difference between our actions and those of the Soviet Union. The fact that other's worse behavior isn't an excuse for one's own poor behavior doesn't mean that there is no differences between the two. Anti-war critics would perform a much better job of serving as counter-point to an argument to war by acknowledging that their internal adversaries are not monsters who trade blood for oil, but are often people who are doing what they think is right. The human cost of leaving a dictator in place needs to be acknowledged. It's much harder to chant these ideas, of course, but if we are to have the community building dialog that you want, I think this is a very needed step. Dan M. _______________________________________________ http://www.mccmedia.com/mailman/listinfo/brin-l
