I'm not sure if this went through the first time, so let me try again....
O.k., I promised to take the lead on this Chapter, so here goes. This will admittedly be interesting, as I am sure that it is becoming clear by now that I am somewhat of a skeptic of this book. Anyhow, by now the pattern of Diamond's narrative is becoming clear. Prehistoric human civilization flourishes. Over time, prehistoric human civilization overpopulates and degrades its environment causing it to retreat from its former glory. As I noted earlier, my first objection to this Chapter is his use of the term "Anasazi" for the people of Chaco Canyon. "Anasazi" is believed to have its origins in a Navajo word for "ancient enemy." This isn't necessarily so bad, especially under the early interpretation that the people of Chaco Canyon (and related sites such as Mesa Verde) had mysteriously "disappeared" which in the past has inspired some fantastical stories of alien contact and whatnot. Modern historians now recognize, however, that the people of Chaco Canyon did not simply "disappear." Rather as Chaco Canyon went into decline, the Mesa Verde site to the north began to grow in prominence, and there seems to be much evidence that the Mesa Verde civilization was simply a continuation of the Chaco Culture civilization. Continuing to connect the dots, historians now see linkages from Mesa Verde to the massive petroglyph sites near Albuquerque and the Salinas Mission Pueblos such as Gran Quivira in north-central New Mexico; and from there to the peoples of the modern day pueblos that survive to this day. As you might imagine, the modern day Pueblos aren't exactly thrilled about the idea of their ancestors being called by a name translating as "enemy" and translating from a foreign language at that. Thus, most historians prefer the politically-correct, but much less elegant term, "Ancestral Puebloans" for the people of Chaco Canyon and Mesa Verde. What's truly odd, however, is that not only does Diamond use the term "Anasazi" exclusively, but he doesn't even acknowledge the existence of the debate. Now while Diamond does in fact point out that modern-day Puebloans are indeed descendants of the people of Chaco Canyon and Mesa Verde, I can't help but feel that he brushes over that fact. After all, if the Chaco Canyon people continue to thrive to this day, then they don't make a very good type-example of "collapse"! In order to understand the "collapse" of Chaco Canyon it is important to also understand the role that Chaco Canyon had in Ancestral Puebloan culture before its abandonment. Diamond presents a little bit of this, but overall I think he proceeds a little too quickly to the (admittedly fascinating) story of how examination of timbers and analysis of packrat middens illuminated the story of environmental degradation around Chaco Canyon. For example, Diamond opens the chapter by comparing Chaco Canyon to the great Mayan cities (mentioning on the side that they were naturally of a much smaller scale.) Yet, it is not actually clear that Chaco Canyon was a city at all. The National Park Service's interpretation often presents evidence that buildings of Chaco Canyon may have been primarily religious in nature, or some other form of public architecture. For example, there are stone markers that mark the solstices, and little evidence of city life. It is possible that Chaco Canyon was used primarily for religious festivals, with only a small year-round population of priestly attendants. Its also possible that perhaps these festivals were accompanied by a large market for trading. Diamond only obliquely mentions the road network of the Ancestral Puebloans, which appears to have been centered on Chaco Canyon. One of the most remarkable features of these roads is that they are almost perfectly straight they do not bend around any obstacles. If a Cliffside is encountered, the road literally goes almost straight up the hillside! This suggests that the roads served some sort of ceremonial or religious purpose, and further lends credence to the idea that Chaco Canyon may have had more significance as a religious, spiritual, and social center than as a population center. And if that is true, what does that truly say about the "collapse" of the Chaco Canyon civilization, that seems to occur right about the time that Mesa Verde, to the north, is growing in prominence? Is it possible that religious and social factors played as large a role, if not a larger role, than the environmental factors Diamond cites particular if this is a case not of civilizational "collapse", but civilization "transience"? Diamond does present a fascinating scientific "detective tale" of uncovering the environmental degradation around Chaco Canyon through analysis of the various timbers used in the buildings of Chaco Canyon, and the clues left behind in packrat middens. Yet, at the end of this Chapter, Diamond hints at the truly amazing time scales at work here. Chaco Canyon was first inhabited in the 600's, and according to my notes from my visit to Chaco Canyon this summer, building construction was underway by the mid-late 800's. Chaco Canyon wouldn't be abandoned until the early 1200's. The six hundred year settlement of Chaco Canyon is longer by two hundred years than the continuous settlement in the area of Jamestown, Virginia. Moreover, according to Diamond's tree pole analysis, Chaco Canyon was deforested "by around A.D. 1000." (167 in the paperback) Yet, according to the National Park Service, Chaco Canyon was just reaching the height of its influence and this "Golden Age" would last until the mid-1100's. Set against this timeline, the connection between environmental degradation and civilization collapse seems much weaker. Even moreso when you consider that Mesa Verde, to the north, wouldn't be abandoned until the 1300's. On a side note, Diamond only hints as this but it is a true testament to the ingenuity of the Ancestral Puebloans that they were able to move enormous logs for building construction great distances without the help of pack animals, and without taking advantage of water transportation (water transportation would have left evidence in the logs, which is not visible.) It probably takes standing in one of these structures to truly fully appreciate just what I am talking about. Finally, Diamond dismisses the role of hostile neighbors in collapse here, in part because he is only concerned about Chaco Canyon. It is interesting to note, however, that the Ancestral Puebloan settlements at and around Mesa Verde do show evidence that the Ancestral Puebloans were concerned about defense, particularly in the late 1200's. So, in terms of discussion questions: Diamond related in the Chapter on the Pitcairn Islands how trading with friendly neighbors can sustain a civilization. Chaco Canyon was clearly at the heart of an extensive trading network reaching to Mexico, the Pacific, and the central Great Plains. Did Chaco Canyon stave off collapse for so long because of its trading ties? Or did the extensive trading increase the population pressures on the Canyon, pushing it to unsustainable levels, and ultimately leading to the Canyon's abandonment? So far, our three examples of "collapse", Easter, Pitcairn, and Chaco Canyon have all shared the feature of being settled in a marginal environment. Is a marginal environment a prerequisite for "collapse"? JDG P.S. Anyone who is interested can check out some of my photos from Chaco Canyon and Mesa Verde here: http://www1.snapfish.com/share/p=629201158810507416/l=210234351/g=357 1940/otsc=SYE/otsi=SALB _______________________________________________ http://www.mccmedia.com/mailman/listinfo/brin-l
