http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20070919.E01&irec=0


Ethnic patronage 


Vice President Jusuf Kalla was right that convicted corruptor and House 
legislator Nurdin Halid would not flee the country and avoid serving his 
two-year prison sentence. Nurdin was sent to jail early Wednesday morning. 

But Kalla, as chairman of the country's largest political party Golkar, was 
unwise in appointing Nurdin to sit in the House of Representatives to replace 
legislator Andi Mattalatta, now the justice minister. 

The House swore in Nurdin as a new legislator last Wednesday. One day later, 
the Supreme Court sentenced Nurdin to two years in prison for misusing Rp 167.9 
billion (US$18 million) in palm oil distribution funds in 1998, when he chaired 
the Confederation of Primary Cooperative Associations. 

Despite this verdict from the Supreme Court, Kalla and his Golkar Party 
remained unmoved at first, defending Nurdin's appointment to the House. Kalla 
said it was not necessary to strip Nurdin of his House membership because "he 
had only been sentenced to two years in jail". 

Kalla showed total disrespect for the law, which basically bars those involved 
in corruption or any other criminal activity from representing the people and 
sitting in the House. 

This is not the first time Kalla has defended his cronies who have run afoul of 
the law. Not long ago, Kalla defended his friend then justice minister Hamid 
Awaluddin, who helped Tommy Soeharto cash in about $10 million of allegedly 
illegally obtained money from a bank in Europe via a Justice Ministry account. 

Kalla apparently lost this battle and Hamid was removed from the Cabinet. But 
Hamid is still spared from having to go through the legal process for his role 
in the matter. 

The Hamid and Nurdin sagas reveal a deeper problem of patronage based on 
ethnicity, religion and family affiliation in this country, where corruption, 
nepotism, collusion and cronyism are endemic and hard to beat. 

It is surely no coincidence that Kalla, Hamid, Nurdin and even Andi are all 
from South Sulawesi. It would probably not be totally wrong to assume some 
ethnic patronage is at play here. 

Those who are familiar with the Vice President's office know that Kalla has 
brought in many people from South Sulawesi to work for him in publicly funded 
positions. 

This kind of patronage is surely not the monopoly of Kalla and people from 
South Sulawesi. Many people in Indonesia favor people from the same ethnic 
group. 

Look at Jakarta. The bureaucracy in this metropolitan city is dominated by 
Bataks from North Sumatra and people from Kuningan in West Java and Bima in 
West Nusa Tenggara. That's where the acronym "Babi kuning", which stands for 
Batak, Bima and Kuningan, comes from. "Babi kuning" itself literally means 
yellow pig. 

Some may argue that ethnic patronage does not always have a negative impact on 
the country. True. One good example is Kalla's appointment of Farid Husain, a 
businessman from South Sulawesi, to pave the way for peace talks in Ambon, 
Maluku, and Poso, Central Sulawesi, and later in Aceh. The appointment, 
although it may have been based on ethnic considerations, turned out to be a 
brilliant one. 

But for ethnic patronage to bring with it benefits is an exception rather than 
the norm. 

Ethnic patronage has become a major challenge for democratization. With all 
local leaders now directly elected by the people, candidates can easily play on 
their ethnic ties to win an election. And experience shows that regional 
elections have largely been won by local sons or "putra daerah". 

The problem does not stop there. The moment a local son wins a regional 
election, he usually appoints members of his extended family clan to public 
office or distributes projects to them and those who have helped them win 
public office. 

Overall, ethnic patronage does bring more hazards than benefits to the country, 
so we all have to address, or at least discuss, this important but often 
ignored issue. 

Ethnic patronage is usually blatant, yet we tend to ignore it. We have been 
told again and again, especially during Soeharto's time, that we have to avoid 
discussing issues pertaining to ethnicity, religion and race, popularly known 
by the Indonesian acronym SARA. 

Now we have been relatively free to discuss religion and race, but not 
ethnicity. We tend to sweep the issue under the carpet. If we continue to do 
this, it will not be good for our nation building and could undermine the 
concept of the unitary state of Indonesia, or even endanger the existence of 
Indonesia itself.


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