-Caveat Lector-
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A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
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Originally From [EMAIL PROTECTED] To Recipients of conference
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A COUNTRY OF MOBILIZATIONS, APATHY & MAGIC, SINGING & SHOOTING
Judging by the clips of regime TV in Serbia singing and shooting are the
basic recreations and concerns of young people, especially males, in
Serbia. Crazed patriotic propaganda shows that young men here are
happiest while preparing for all-out war. Patriotic propaganda has
achieved such a pathetic level that, until recently, it seemed totally
counterproductive. People's statements throughout February =9199 (in the
independent print and electronic media) have proven people's "amazing
indifference". Almost no one thought that threats of bombing would be
brought to fruition. At our Women in Black protests throughout February
1999, which coincided with the talks, we used the slogan "Better a pact
than war"; passers-by were indifferent. Not accustomed to this kind of
"peace" we even said that it was "frighteningly peaceful". It looked as
if the regime TV had not adequately prepared the people, as if they
still hadn't been told what to think. Of course, since then the regime
has constantly increased the dosage of patriotic adrenaline. Until
recently the panic of October 98 was not present, nor was there
stockpiling of food staples, nor people fleeing from the city... In
October 98 there was a joke going around about welcoming NATO troops
"modestly, at home with the family", and currently there is a joke going
around Vojvodina, "Will you bomb already so we can go ahead and
repaint?" Sociologists say that in this type of behavior there is also
an element of magic and that "it is possible for someone to act in an
irrational manner". Since February 99 the "magical activity of the
"prophet" on regime TV has increased. Some among them advise people not
to leave their homes around 7:30pm (the time of the main TV evening
news) because this is when people need to ingest a dose of patriotic
narcotics. The mobilization was rarely mentioned then. However, in the
southern parts of Serbia near Kosovo (Leskovac, Prokuplje, etc.), panic
has been growing since February. People's fear has been heightened with
the mobilization of the reserve unit of the Yugoslav Military (VJ). At
then end of February, there were similar fears in the municipalities of
Cacak and Kraljevo where a partial mobilization was carried out, mainly
of reservists members of anti-air defense. As has continually been
the case since 1991, a mobilization has not officially been announced.
The euphemism "routine reinforcement of VJ units" is used. The VJ is on
increased alert. At patriotic demonstrations organized by parties of
the ruling coalition in Serbia they constantly repeat, "We are only
defending ourselves, We will not renounce Kosovo, We will defend Kosovo
at any price..." They combine populist rhetoric about "honor, dignity,
holy Serbian land" on regime TV with clips such as "We love you, our
fatherland", which are broadcast at all hours of the day and night.
Mobilization was first brought up somewhere after the end of the first
round of negotiations in Rambouillet. As it did before, the
mobilization hits much harder in regions outside of Belgrade than it
does on the capital city. As early as February 99 young men in many
towns in Serbia started hiding, like from 91 to 99. Young men from
Kraljevo and Prokuplje say that "now even the civilian police grab you:
they stop you in your car, ask for your documents and then take you
away". As is usual in these circumstances, there are many rumors
floating around and it is difficult to learn the truth. As has always
been the case, the VJ is not giving out statistics ("Serbia is not at
war"). However, testimonies of those in the independent media show whom
this mobilization has hit the hardest. "We are at war in our fields,
I'm dying from work, and they are mobilizing, calling people to war.
[But Milosevic's idiot son who likes to wreck his expensive sports cars
in Belgrade will certainly not go]. If someone needs to go, then we
should all have to go, and not just the peasants or "You take care of a
child for 20 years and then you're supposed to send him to die like a
turkey." Serbians are beating their chests while in Kosovo bullets are
flying. These quotes show how peasants from the region around
Leskovac speak and now they are all "revolted because of the
mobilization" (Danas, March 5, 1999).
The response is small, it looks as if the generals are again angry.
Veljko Kadijevic, the Yugoslav Defense Minister, stated in 1991: "The
JNA (Yugoslav People's Army) has had three enemies, and one of them
coordinated the activities of the peace movement with the mothers'
movement". At the beginning of March 99 Nebojsa Pavkovic, commander of
the Third Army (Prishtina Corps), continually repeated: "There is no
question that we have to suppress terrorist forces quickly. But we need
to deal with other domestic traitors who have been propagating theories
that we cannot confront the entire world while we have reached full unity.
The defense of Kosovo has no price, this is our biggest task which we will
carry out even if it means we all give our lives"
However, Serbia is deeply schizophrenic. This has been uncovered by the
dozens of surveys carried out by various public opinion research
agencies. In one of them (Mark - p1ana, March 18, 1999), in answer to
the question "Are you or any of your family members willing to go to war
in Kosovo?" 70% of Serbs, (as is stated in the survey) answered "YES"
But statements from parents whose sons military service was extended a
few days ago state the opposite. "Very few people respond to the
mobilization. The VJ has no people". A parent from Kragujevac asks the
army administration, "why has the March military service deadline been
extended?" and adds: "Don't let Vuk Draskovic, Vojislav Seselj and the
others incite war, we've had enough war, we are orphans. I call all
parents to revolt." (Radio B92, March 18, 1999). In Leskovac, on March
17, 1999, approximately 100 reservists protested: "Let those of them
who want to lead us to war go, we will not go to war." On a B92 Radio
program (March 18, 1999) listeners testify: "They are taking people
away, picking them up during the night, because there is no voluntary
response." "Young people won't go to war. What's with the sons of
Milosevic and (Serbian president) Milutinovic. His son is in London.
Their sons are also required to do military service. "Why don't they
hand out calls for mobilization at their demonstrations and panels and
leave those of us who are against war alone?", etc.
WAR PROVOCATORS AGAIN ON THE SCENE
In the winter of 1991 the Movement of Women for Yugoslavia or "fur-clad
women" (as part of the ruling political and military elite they always
go to the winter demonstrations dressed in expensive fur coats) always
jumped to serve their official obligation to incite war. They sought
penalties for those refusing to go to war. That was the case in 91,
and it remains so now in 99. In the meantime, they have changed their
name to the "Alliance of Women for Yugoslavia". They met again on
March 17, 1999 at the same location as in the winter of 91, Dom Sindikata
(Trade Union House). The response to mobilization was weak,
so they decided to try to strengthen the fighting spirit. And then,
like now, they idealized their high commander, Mi1osevic. "Slobodan
Mi1osevic is like a son to me, he is everything to me... While he is
alive, let him be president. I love him, even though I have a small
pension." This is how some "ordinary" women who were brought to the
demonstration spoke. As in 91, the patriotic poet Mira Aleckovic fell
into a trance: "The Serb people are blessed because we have all agreed
in the defense of our fatherland." They and the other organizers of
such events naturally agreed to offer the lives of other people's sons;
they most probably sent their own sons out of the country long ago. The
demonstration of the Alliance of Women for Yugoslavia also acted in
support of the state delegation at the negotiations in Paris. Because
it was under the motto "Kosovo and Metohija shine in our hearts" that
they repeated the often used slogans from the demonstrations across
Serbia: "Kosovo is Serbian", "Kosovo is the Serbian Jerusalem"... The
most well-known among the "fur-clad women", Buba Morina, president of
the Alliance and Commissioner for refugees within the Serbian
government, suggested that "fear of bombing threats will not change our
decision to govern this little sovereign country in our way-democracy,
which we chose ourselves and with the leaders which we voted for
ourselves". The abuse of women for militaristic aims is the specialty
of this Alliance of Women. Further statements of "regular women" show
how sometimes the patriotic narcotic works, how the patriotic adrenaline
is raised following flaming speeches of professional provocateurs: "We
will defend Kosovo together with our sons, husbands, and brothers".
However, probably when their sons or husbands are called up for the
mobilization these same women will hide them. The patriarchal lie often
enables women to survive, especially in times of war and nationalist
hysteria. The magazine NIN (March 18, 1999) writes, "Women workers of
a Belgrade factory stated upon leaving this meeting that it was
mandatory. It was noticed that a significant number of women left the
meeting well before the end, taking advantage of the overwhelming
applause to leave the room". And that is encouraging.
MONTENEGRO "DESERTS"
When in 91 the first war started in ex Yugoslavia, Montenegro revived a
"warrior tradition of with resounding war trumpets" as some women
provoked young men to war, they threatened that they themselves would
bear weapons because, "it is shameful not to give one's life for the
fatherland". With time they changed. Now in Montenegro people say that
it is shameful to go to war. Not only mothers now, but also fathers,
are hiding their sons so that they will not have to go to war. When the
police came to pick up two particular recruits in February 99 (twin
brothers Djuricic from Kotor) who refused to return to the front in
Kosovo, their father warned the policemen, "My sons are safely hidden
away. The only way they will take them is over my dead body. For whom
should my sons be killing? Should they be killing for their brothers in
Kosovo?" In February 99 the family of a soldier, Ranko Lazarevic of
Savnik, who was killed in Kosovo published an announcement in the
largest Montenegrin daily newspaper "Pobjeda" (Victory) accusing "failed
politics as the reason the Lazarevic household is paying for the third
time since 91 a bloody tax". In Niksic in February 99 about 600 calls
for mobilization of reservists were issued in just a few days.
Reportedly only 5-6 men responded. But in 91, 47% (according to some
statistics) of the reserve corps of Montenegro were in the war fields.
Only the provoking political parties (close to Milosevic's regime, above
all the SNP) now claim that the response is 100% (without offering any
proof of this). Like in 91, some political parties are advising young
men not to answer calls for mobilization. These are above all the LSGC
(Liberals) and the SDP (Social Democrats) parties. In Serbia, where
there is a huge political homogenization of parties (regardless of their
differences surrounding the issue of Kosovo) not one party dares advise
similar refusal. Novak Kilibarda, currently Montenegro's vice-president
and president of the National Party, was known in 91 as a war
provocateur. Interestingly, he is now the most active in calling for
refusal of mobilization and for desertion in Montenegro. We will see if
such a radical turn is really a change or a pragmatic political step.
The political parties made up of Albanians in Montenegro also are
calling for refusal of mobilization. Some changes on the macro-plan in
Montenegro (a victory for the reform movement in the elections of May
98) resulted in the Montenegrin Parliaments June 98 adoption of a
resolution seeking to return citizens of Montenegro serving their
military service in Kosovo to barracks in Montenegro. With this
resolution, the state organs of Montenegro obligate themselves to
prepare measures which, in case of military actions by the
international community (i.e. NATO bombing) would prevent the use of the
territory of Montenegro. This is to say that Montenegro has openly
proclaimed neutrality. On March 17, 1999 the Federal Constitutional
Court declared unconstitutional the Resolution of the Montenegrin
Parliament, despite the fact that this court is not authorized to judge
any political act such as the resolution. Many Montenegrin recruits,
motivated by the pre-election promises and the above-mentioned
resolution, deserted Kosovo, and now they fear military courts and
police which can return them to the front. Young people are sick of the
changing rhetoric of the Montenegrin leadership and bitter because they
are not being offered concrete protection. It is true that the
political climate has changed to the degree that those young men who
refuse mobilization and military service are now in friendly company and
are no longer subjected to insults. The relationship between Montenegro
and the federation (i.e. the regime in Belgrade) is increasingly tense,
especially since February 99 when Montenegro announced "neutrality." A
campaign against Montenegro is being heightened. JUL (United Yugoslav
Left,a party led by Milosevics wife) calls for "economic patriotism" i.e. a
boycott of goods imported from Montenegro, allegedly importing
"poisonous meat" from the USA which is "infecting people in Serbia."
Federal Prime Minister Momir Bulatovic accused the Montenegrin
authorities of "collaboration with Albanian terrorists". He even
claimed that there are "3800 terrorists from the KLA" in Montenegro.
This sparked panic in Montenegro and increased doubt in the
justification of the theory that the cost of the agreement on Kosovo
will be paid by Montenegro and that the regime from Belgrade is
preparing a new war as the only way to remain in power. The decision of
the military leaders of the VJ (concerning the extension of the deadline
for the March militrary classes) sparked widespread bitterness in
Montenegro. Parents announced protests for March 19, 1999 in front of the
Montenegrin Parliament. Novak Kilibarda stated on March 16, 1999 that in
Montenegro "all buildings of the VJ will be blocked if it tries to hinder
by force the Montenegrin government from taking measures for
limiting use of our territory in case of attack by international NATO
forces." A military prosecutor immediately suggested that the
Montenegrin Parliament take away Kilibardas parliamentary immunity in
order for military courts to try him for "calls for desertion and a
blockade of the barracks." Somewhere around 91 or 92 the military
prosecutor also threatened the liberals (LSCG) with this, but it never
came to trial. However, the Belgrade regime was then feeding itself on
war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and now as Kosovo escapes, it needs new food
to stay in power. And it is more than clear that the eventual NATO
military intervention is strengthening the regime. Panic is growing,
the main question these days is "Will there be bombing?" (Statistics
from independent media: Danas, Glas, Monitor, NIN, B92)
Belgrade, March 19, 1999
Stasa Zajovic
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Free thought, neccessarily involving freedom of
speech and press, I may tersely define thus:no
opinion a law-no opinion a crime.
Alexander Berkman
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